sábado, diciembre 06, 2008

NORTH KOREAN: The Paranoid Peninsula.


"The Paranoid Peninsula" attributes all the evils which continue besetting North Korea (famine, excessive military spending, its crumbling industrial base and infrastructure) to the all-embracing nature of economic planning.)

Openly talking about mistakes and lost opportunities: the North Korean leadership for excessive adherence to a command economy: "The country has failed not primarily because it is run by a leadership obsessed with the cult of personality or because it is a one-party state entirely devoid of democracy, though neither of these truisms about North Korea has helped its development, but because it subscribes to the failed concept of the Soviet-inspired socialist command economy that insists on a centrally planned system."

Every aspect of public life in this country is dominated by two omnipresent concepts: "state as a religion" and "revolutionary dynasty.", which inculcate in the North Korean populace an obsession with dogma and the personality cult.

LIBRORIA :una librería con libros viejos y nuevos


Esta librería se encuentra en la Urb. Las Mercedes en Caracas y es interesante porque es una de las pocas empresas libreras que se dedican a la venta de libros usados.

Este es el Diario El Universal de Venezuela


Vamos a ver qué dice este Diario hoy sábado 06..

The wily: a dangerous social behavior


The wily: a dangerous social behavior
Posted on December 6th, 2008 by askain
By A. Ascanio /ASKAIN)

The Venezuelan psychologist Axel Capriles has finished his book on the cunning or wily Creole.

After explaining that in Venezuela the wily character is accepted because the person who is not clever is stupid, Capriles said that the mischievousness or Creole vivacity is not rational from the social point of view because it promotes the anarchic individualism. The wily is a negative social value.

It is the context and the institutional weakness partly responsible for that behavior. When institutions do not work or the laws are ambiguous, a person or clever hussy (or alive) uses not legal exit to solve his problem; this is a psychology of survival. Thus, the environment makes it easier the act of liveliness.

But when there is an institution that provides very clear what is right and wrong and which also monitors the behavior of citizens but treats them with respect, then the wily change it behavior. This happens in the “Metro de Caracas” because it is a model that achieves the change when the person using this means of transport.

A clearer example of how institutions can achieve change from one person to another; wily person to candid person, is what happened in the Mayor of Medellin (Colombia) during the administration of Sergio Fajardo. Coherent and comprehensive work to change citizen’s behavior and with an advertisement that created pride (”the most educated city”), shows again that the example and modeling of good and genuine leaders it helps a lot to change behavior.

For the contracted when a leader transforms himself into a wily to demonstrate his cunning and encourages, and uses this behavior to congeries emotionally with people and using the language of the same mischievous people, all this is only populism and demagoguery. Thus this behavior achieving the applause of the people who are only interested in protecting their interests (Example: the government program is called “Hello President”).

La crisis en EE.UU. ahonda el desempleo


La crisis en EE.UU. ahonda el desempleo
500 000 estadounidenses perdieron el trabajo en octubre, según información del Gobierno En Nueva York, se siente y se ve la depresión: hay más mendigos.

Olga Imbaquingo
Corresponsal en Nueva York

Un ex empleado de Wall Street ocupa el cargo de chofer en la compañía General Construction de Manhattan, mientras que el conductor que hacía ese trabajo durante 15 años pasa a ser mensajero. Fue una forma de despedirlo.

A un empleado de una gasolinera en Nueva Jersey, el administrador le ordena no taparse el rostro con una bufanda pese a que sufre de una fuerte gripe y hace mucho frío. Si no le gusta, le sugiere que se acoja a la figura de discapacidad. "Eso significa despido y con tanta falta de empleo me debo aguantar", dice Romeo, quien prefiere no decir su apellido.

Más detalles
El desempleo golpea a todo nivel. Mike Friedman, un PhD en Biología, está en la desocupación. "No hay trabajo, estoy buscando y buscando", dice visiblemente preocupado.
Pero hay un sector donde los decibeles de la incertidumbre son casi inaguantables: la construcción. "Desde septiembre todo está cuesta abajo", dice el ecuatoriano Kléver Borja.
El desempleo entre la población hispana bordea el 8 %, el más alto en los últimos 20 años.
Desde hace meses ni los empleados de la empresa de construcción ni los de la gasolinera pueden hacer horas extras, por una razón que estos tiempos quita el sueño: la crisis y una economía que al fin el Gobierno de Estados Unidos acepta entró en recesión.

Estas son historias que pasan en Nueva York, una ciudad en depresión. Casi todos los días frente a Wall Street, los desempleados, los indignados con los rescates financieros, los líderes de los derechos civiles acuden a maldecir al capitalismo y a esos ejecutivos que se dejaron arrastrar por la codicia y causaron la debacle.

"Es culpa del capitalismo y de sus privilegiados. ¿De quién más? Los trabajadores y los estudiantes necesitamos un rescate, no los capitalistas", dice Greg Slater, que invita a los transeúntes a firmar para rechazar a Wall Street.

Solo en octubre, más de 500 000 trabajadores perdieron su trabajo en todo el país, informó el Gobierno. Eso incrementará a 30 millones el número de estadounidenses que, para llenar el estómago, deberán recurrir a los cupones de comida que entrega el Gobierno.

Nueva York está en depresión y eso es visible: más gente extiende la mano por unas monedas a las salidas del tren; hay más cantantes improvisados de soul o de rancheras en el metro; más ánforas en las calles para los sin techo, y filas más largas de desempleados que llenan la aplicación para solicitar ayuda económica temporal.

Desde que la economía se vino cuesta abajo, cuatro millones de ciudadanos buscan empleo. "Es muy claro que estamos en recesión. Se verán grandes pérdidas de trabajo porque la economía probablemente va a empeorar", dice el economista de Hechos y Opiniones Económicas.

En Nueva York también hay más tiendas, restaurantes, bares y cafés vacíos o en proceso de bancarrota. Así, en Tannery House, un almacén especializado en abrigos y chaquetas, en esta temporada nunca estaba vacía.

Sus seis empleados hacían esfuerzos para atender a la clientela. "Se despidió a tres y no sabemos qué pasará, estamos asustados", dice Dagmar que se esfuerza para vender a un cliente.

The Place of 'Human Nature' in Political History


The Place of 'Human Nature' in Political History
The current crisis and the historical evolution of man in society

Alfredo Ascanio (askain)
Published 2008-12-06 16:44 (KST)

Edited by Rich Bowden: Editor's Note
Differing interpretations of the concept of human nature has had a varied political history in modern times, the development of which can be seen clearly if we trace the ideal back to its origins.

In the 17th and 18th century - during the Age of Reason and the early Romantic Movement - "human nature" referred to man's naturally sympathetic sentiments, his communicative faculties and inalienable dignity.

However once this human nature was powerfully enlisted in revolutionary struggles against courts and classes, poverty and humiliation, it began to invent and support progressive education. Human nature unmistakably demanded liberty, equality, and fraternity.

As an heir of the French Revolution, philosopher and political revolutionary Karl Marx kept true to much of this concept. Sympathy recurred in his works as solidarity. Though dignity and intellect were perhaps still in the future, he found an important new essential: that man is a maker - he must use his productive nature or be miserable. This too involved a revolutionary program, to give back to man his tools.

During the course of the 19th century however, "human nature" came to be associated with conservative and even reactionary politics. The later Romantics were historically minded and contended that man was inherently traditional and preferred not to be uprooted. A few decades later, narrow interpretations of Darwin were being used to support capitalist enterprise and racial and somatic theories summoned to advance imperial and elite interests.

It was during this later period that the social scientists began to be diffident about "human nature." Politically, they wanted fundamental social changes, different from those indicated by the "natural" theory of the survival of the fittest. Meanwhile scientifically, it was evident that many anthropological facts were being called natural which were overwhelmingly cultural.

Most of the social scientists began to lay all their stress on political organization, to bring about reform.

In our own century, especially since the 1920s and 30s, the social scientists have found another reason for diffidence. It seems to them that "human nature" implies "not social" and refers to something prior to society, belonging to an isolated individual.

Reacting to Freudian thought, they have felt that too much importance has been assigned to Individual Psychology and this has stood in the way of organizing people for political reform.

It is based on this view that growing up is now interpreted as a process of socializing some rather indefinite kind of animal, with the term "socializing" a synonym for teaching the culture. The society to which one is socialized would then have to be a remarkably finished product.

But it is, of course, hard to grow up and socialize when there isn't enough work and this remains one of the most serious issues in our current economic crisis.


Alfredo Ascanio is a professor of economics at Simon Bolivar University in Caracas, Venezuela.
©2008 OhmyNews
Other articles by ASKAIN

viernes, diciembre 05, 2008

WAR ROOM


Es una Hoja WEB "amarillista" de un tal ALEX KOPPELMAN y además se busca información en las páginas WEB de la extrema derecha como:

  • WORLD-NET-DAILY
  • The elections in Venezuela


    The elections in Venezuela
    The imbalance of power in a polarized society
    Alfredo Ascanio (askain)

    The election of November 23 is a process to choose 22 state governors, 328 mayors, 233 state legislative councilors and a range of other local positions. 17 million Venezuelans will have the opportunity to vote in these elections.

    The elections will be the 14th set of national votes held since 1998 when Hugo Chavez was first elected as President. Hugo Chavez and his coalition of supporters have won 12 of the 13 previous national elections and referenda.

    This is in stark contrast to the 40 years prior to President Chavez’s election, when only 15 national electoral contests were staged in Venezuela.

    Elections under the government of Hugo Chavez have been verified as free and fair by a range of independent international observers including the Organization of American States, the European Union and the US Carter Centre.

    A total of 134 foreign observers will take part in November's election, according to Venezuela's independent National Electoral Council (CNE). The observers will come from 34 member countries of the Organization of American States (OAS), and include representatives of electoral organizations from America, Europe, Africa and Asia.

    With regards to equality, half of the candidates standing in the local and regional elections will be women, following the implementation of legislation to ensure gender equality earlier this year. This is a tremendous advance for women in Venezuela - when these elections were last contested in 2004, 82% of candidates were male and 18% female.

    PREVIOUS REGIONAL ELECTIONS IN VENEZUELA: Equivalent elections to those on 23 November took place in Venezuela in October 2004. Chavez’s coalition of supporters won the elections in 80 per cent of the local authorities and 22 out of 24 governors. However, it should be noted that, during the run-up to the previous regional elections in October 2004, much of the opposition called on their supporters to abstain in an effort to discredit the Venezuelan electoral system, which they claimed was "fraudulent" after their defeat in the August 2004 referendum on whether President Chavez would remain in office.

    These claims became increasingly unsustainable after electoral observation missions from the European Union, the OAS and the Carter Center repeatedly expressed satisfaction with the transparency, fairness, and inclusive nature of Venezuela's electoral system.

    As no such boycott will occur this time, it is reasonable to assume that this will strengthen the opposition's level of support, all other things being equal. It is hoped that accurate and honest media coverage will recognize this fact.

    In 2000, Chavez’s coalition of supporters won 18 governors and the opposition six. However, three governors elected with Chavez’s support later became part of the opposition.

    A TRANSPARENT AND INCLUSIVE ELECTORAL PROCESS: Venezuela's electoral system has undergone significant improvements under the Chavez government that have helped achieve a transparent process and an increase in voter participation. Some of these are looked at below:

    AN INDEPENDENT ELECTION: The National Electoral Council (CNE), body in charge of administering elections in Venezuela is an independent branch of state. It is comprised of 11 members of the National Assembly and 10 representatives of civil society, none of who are appointed by the President.

    MONITORING OF THE ELECTION: Venezuela's elections are among the most observed anywhere in the world. At each of the 11,500 voting centers throughout the country, the dozens of parties involved in the election will be entitled to an observer - one example of how at different levels of the electoral process in Venezuela, the opposition can fully participate.

    TRANSPARENCY: The November 23 elections will be 100% computerized. Voting will take place using an electronic touch-screen voting machine that will provide every voter with a receipt. This allows the election authorities to conduct a manual recount of the paper receipts if the tally of a particular voting centre is challenged.

    The full electronic results will also be checked against a hand counted audit of 53 per cent of the machines. Thirty political parties and organizations expressed their satisfaction in one of the many audits carried out by the CNE, which took place on November 16. Thus far the CNE has carried out 53 such audits. The machines produce a receipt to allow the voter to check their vote.

    US Senator Bill Nelson (Florida) has argued they are therefore more reliable than those used in several countries including the USA. On the security of the voting machines, the report of the Chairperson of the EU Observation Mission to the 2005 elections stated, "the general conclusion of the observers was that the voting machines seemed very reliable."

    ENHANCING VOTER PARTICIPATION: Over the last few years, voter participation in Venezuelan elections has increased significantly, and in large part thanks to measures adopted by the CNE. It has carried out extensive voter registration campaigns that contributed to a 64% increase in the number of registered voters between 1998 and 2007.

    Parallel to this effort, the CNE has made voting much more accessible to millions of Venezuelans by adding new voting stations in poor neighborhoods and rural areas. It should be noted that these advances have benefited all Venezuelans by increasing democratic participation. In particular, though, they have helped to empower the less privileged citizens in poor areas and Afro-Venezuelan and Indigenous communities that have traditionally been left on the sidelines of Venezuelan politics.

    To facilitate turnout in 23 November elections, the CNE has established 1,500 Centers of Electoral Information throughout the country.

    The CNE has also produced a short video clip - with added sign language for the deaf and those with partial hearing - and a radio broadcast which are run nationally three times a day, with detailed information as to how to cast one's vote. It has also printed gigantic posters with didactic information for the voters that have been distributed to every single municipality in the country.

    The CNE has additionally added a bulletin in the national press containing all the information relevant to the regional elections, including location of polling stations and how to cast the vote.

    VENEZUELANS CONFIDENCE IN THEIR DEMOCRACY: Some media have propagated the myth that President Chavez is ‘authoritarian', or a ‘dictator', and that his supporters have stayed in power by increasing central concentration of power. Yet the latest annual survey of Latin American opinion, carried out by the independent and respected polling firm Latinobarometro, showed that Venezuela is now the country with the greatest support for democracy in Latin America on 82%. The average level of support in Latin America is 57%. This represents a huge increase in support for democracy in Venezuela under Chavez.

    In 1998, just before Chavez was first elected, the Latin American average satisfaction with democracy was 37% and Venezuela was below this average with only 35%.
    Venezuela is also now the country with the second highest levels of satisfaction with their democracy: 49% against an average of 37%. Additionally, Venezuela has, by far, the greatest number of political parties registered of any Latin American nation: 85 compared to the next highest of 22.

    Far from the government of Hugo Chavez restricting democracy as is often falsely claimed, Hugo Chavez and his supporters have won twelve out of thirteen electoral contests on a national basis since 1998.

    These are: ?

    1. December 1998: Hugo Chavez elected president with 56.2 per cent of the vote. ?

    2. April 1999: National referendum on convening a constituent assembly to draw up a new constitution won with 71.8 per cent support. ?

    3. July 1999: Election of a constituent assembly to draft a new constitution, Chavez supporters won a large majority of seats.

    4. December 1999: Referendum on whether to adopt the new constitution, won by Chavez supporters with 71.9 per cent of the vote. ?

    5. July 2000: Presidential election held under the new constitution, won by Hugo Chavez with an increased majority of 59.76 per cent of the vote.

    ?6. July 2000: Election of the National Assembly, Chavez supporters won a majority of the seats?.

    7. December 2000: Municipal elections with around two thirds supporting pro-Chavez parties.

    ?8. August 2004 - National elections for councilors for local municipalities and local parishes. ?

    9. August 2004: A national referendum called by the opposition on whether or not to remove Chavez from power, won by President Chavez with 59.3 per cent of the vote. ?

    10. October 2004: Local and regional elections throughout the country, Chavez supporters won the elections in 80 per cent of the local authorities and 20 out of 22 provincial governments. ?

    11. December 2005: National Assembly elections. Chavez’s party, the MVR, won a large majority of the seats following the cynical boycott of the election by some of the opposition. ?

    12. December 2006 - Presidential election. Hugo Chavez was re-elected with 63%. ?

    13. December 2007 - National referendum on constitutional changes misrepresentation.

    REGARDING NOVEMBER'S ELECTION: One of the main misrepresentations in the run up to the 23 November has been on so called ‘barring' of political candidates.

    Sections of the Venezuelan opposition have claimed the elections will not be free and fair due to a decision by Venezuela's Comptroller General, Clodosbaldo Russian, to temporarily disqualify a list of around 250 individuals from standing for public office after being found guilty of corruption and/or misuse of public funds. Of these a much smaller number intended to stand for election.

    The opposition, finding an echo in sections of the media, has argued that the "list of banned candidates is politically motivated and illegal" (International Herald Tribune, July 8, 2008). They add that the measure is unconstitutional. This interpretation is wrong. Some have falsely claimed that this is an attempt to exclude opponents of President Chavez.

    However the list of disqualified individuals includes both supporters and opponents of the government - a report in the Venezuelan newspaper Ultimas Noticias on 14 July stated that a majority could be identified as government supporters. Furthermore, many of the disqualifications were not imposed recently and are the consequence of investigations by the Comptroller General over a number of years.

    This decision by the Comptroller General is both lawful and constitutional. Such legal instruments to apply sanctions against individuals whose probity as holders of public office is under question has existed in Venezuela since 1975.

    The current legislation was adopted in 2002 as an anti-corruption measure by Venezuela's National Assembly in a near unanimous vote, including support from parties opposed to the Chavez government that then had strong representation in the National Assembly.

    The disqualified candidates have also had the opportunity to legally contest the decision and the disbarring was upheld as constitutional by a Venezuelan Supreme Court ruling on 5 August.

    Opponents of Venezuela's social progress have regularly propagated a substantial campaign of disinformation seeking to undermine the Hugo Chavez government. The latest false claims relating to the disqualifications appear to be part of this ongoing campaign.

    23 NOVEMBER: LOCAL ELECTION

    Early this morning, Venezuelans started queuing to vote in local elections for state governors and regional and municipal legislators. Turnout is expected to be high but it is a cloudy day on many states.

    Over 5000 candidates will contest 603 elections for 22 state governors, 328 mayors, 233 state legislative councilors and a range of other local positions.

    17 million Venezuelans will have the opportunity to vote in these elections. The elections will be the 14th set of national votes held since 1998.

    The final outcomes clearly show that most populated states would be under the control of the local opposition. This shows a tendency in Venezuelans political preferences.

    The opposition is leading in urban canters while the government is turning towards the rural areas. In addition, the opposition has taken almost all local authorities posts in Caracas.

    Tibisay Lucena, the president of the National Electoral Council, has just issued the first official result of Venezuela’s state and municipal elections. After receiving reports of over 60 % of the counting by electoral juntas of the votes, results did not show a clear victory for the Chavez’s candidates in meaningful posts. Seventeen governorships remain under official control though.

    However, the opposition won at traditional opposition place of Zulia and Nueva Esparta. It also regains control over Miranda state and Caracas Mayoral post. Later reports showed that the opposition also won at two more states: Carabobo and Tachira.

    The opposition came divided to the elections and suffer major set backs in the following States: Aragua, Amazonas, Anzoategui, Apure, Barinas, Bolivar, Cojedes, Delta Amacuro, Falcon, Guarico, Lara, Yaracuy, Merida, Monagas, Portuguesa, Sucre, Trujillo y Vargas.

    The governing PSUV recognized the victory by the opposition and promised to continue with his political socialist project.

    Turnout - over 65,49% of the electorate universe -was rather high for local election historical standards in Venezuela.

    This turnout shows the renewed interest and enthusiasm on politics. In addition it demonstrated the trust of Venezuelans over their electoral systems. International observers have also hailed the technical facilities and flawless outcome of the elections.

    As President Chavez took it to heart to win this elections, their result are to be interpreted as a lukewarm sign for the extension of his tenure in power beyond 2013. Chavez would now need to devote much energy to oppose hostile opponents at the local level in Caracas and within his own party. Would be heirs of his leadership could turn dangerous for his remaining time in government.

    The world financial crisis and deficient management of his policies could create havoc in the near future. It is up to his administration to govern with less money and more focused social aims.

    The opposition would now need to analyze defeat and envision the more democratic selection of its candidates. Unlike the governing PSUV, the opposition parties did not celebrate internal elections to choose their candidates; on the contrary. They appointed candidates by maneuvering politics, internal struggles and negotiations among few leaders.

    During an International Press Conference on Monday night at Caracas, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez clarifies his stand on reelection. Chavez rejected suggestions that he would personally initiate the Constitutional mechanism to call for a new referendum on the extension of his tenure in power. Chavez is barred to do it again during his current constitutional term. However, a new Referendum on his mandate extension beyond 2012 could be called by the governing party, PSUV, or the Venezuelan people themselves, Chavez said. Such move is feared by both local and international opposition.

    During the Press Conference, Chavez confronted CNN anchor Patricia Janiot for having taken his declarations out of context and misinforming the audience. Janiot had informed on CNN that Chavez would take tanks on the street if his party, PSUV, failed at local elections.

    He also answered the question about the president Obama and said that the new leader had good intentions but in the context of right intolerable groups in the U.S. may not be able to fulfill its promises and that also might risk that USA killed as he they had done with other presidents.

    He also said that oil prices should be located in a band between 80 and 100 dollars, and the urgency of a bank of the countries of OPEC, but that if it was not possible to organize that bank then what Venezuela would begin to promote only with Iran.

    Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez says that his socialist party could seek to amend the constitution to provide unlimited presidential rule.

    Following promising results for his left-wing party from state elections, Chavez said on Monday he would not personally promote such a reform which would allow him to run for reelection in 2012. "It's the people's right (to decide on the issue). We'll see if the people use this right, and if all the country approves it or not, if there is a referendum," he said. "I've said I'm not going to introduce or ask for any constitutional reform regarding presidential reelection. What I can't avoid is if someone else does it," the Venezuelan leader added.

    The remarks come a day after Sunday's vote where the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) won 17 states out of 22, polling a sweeping 95.67% of votes counted nationally, with Chavez's brother, Adan, winning the governor's race in his home state of Barinas.

    Chavez hailed the Venezuelan people's decisive participation after the National Electoral Council published its first report on Monday, describing it as 'a signal to boost the Bolivarian Revolution started in this South American country in 1999'. "This has been a special success of the PSUV, but the victory is also of all Venezuela, which ratified its democratic triumph and honored the National Constitution," Chavez stated. "From February 2, I have four more years of government…I'm going to speed up the pace in these four years to carry out the Bolivarian socialist project," he said.

    Election chief Tibisay Lucena said on Sunday 23, that the opposition had won the five most populous states: Miranda, Zulia, Carabobo, Tachira as well as Nueva Esparta. The Caracas mayor's office also shifts to the opposition.

    Some 65.45% of almost 17 million eligible voters turned out at the polls to choose 22 governors, 328 mayors and 233 heads of regional councils for four-year terms.

    What this indicates is that the process of voting has favored the president Chavez that has become an autocrat with the total political power.

    The old political parties (AD, COPEI and MAS) were ultimately discredited and disappear from the political scene.

    The opposition has been unable to successfully rebuild all their matches and then the emergence of new political groups such as: First Justice, New Time, Emerging Vision, Copei renovated and refurbished AD, but in a climate of intolerance and confrontation have been organized with the support of Young Leaders and with the support of academic leaders.

    But these new and youth parties have been unable to reach the groundwork for lack of resources, which if they've been able to make the party formed by President Chavez who has had a lot of money to penetrate almost all the spaces of power that is closer to the voter population.

    The success of these new groups is evident as they have been able to win in major urban cities of the country and especially in the city of Caracas that is the geographical area with the largest number of inhabitants.

    That is, President Hugo Chavez's opponents made important gains in Venezuela's local elections, capturing the Caracas mayor's office and five of the most populous and important states.

    Socialism and Communism: basic differences


    Socialism and Communism: basic differences
    Some ideas in the context of a financial crisis

    Alfredo Ascanio (askain)

    In the year 1978 Willy Brandt, Chairman of the Socialist Party of Federal Germany, said: that the fundamental values of socialism are freedom, justice and solidarity. Democratic socialism is equal to what fate has been called social democracy. Both political movements are interested in a restructuring social freedom.

    The political goal of democratic socialism is the welfare and progress of a country to overcome the traditional capitalism. The objective of the policy of democratic socialism is to improve the conditions and fate of the individual in its own context.

    Freedom means being free of external ties, but the own decision is achieved only under the rule of law or legal security that ensures justice. Solidarity is the element that unites the freedom with justice and that is achieved only with the participation of the citizen.

    These criteria were also ratified by Bruno Kreisky, a socialist from Austria, adding that it is also a key international solidarity or political cooperation and development aid to prevent worldwide speculation.

    Also said Mario Soares, driver of socialism at Portugal, that the socialist man rejects totalitarianism and military coups, and rejected also the communism that imposes a special kind of dictatorship; ideas that were also part of the thinking of Victor Raul Haya de La Torre, President of the Peruvian APRA Party who always ratified the following: freedom with nutrition, freedom with education and freedom with social security service.

    Social democracy in Western Europe is a model of social development has been able to locate between conservative capitalism and doctrinaire communism.

    The state retains individual freedom and also is the body that guides and regulates economic and financial activity. For example, Denmark is considered a very balanced society and has rejected the selfish capitalism and state capitalism, dominated by a very ineffective bureaucracy. The socialism of the Scandinavian countries is a human socialism or just the relationship between the individual and society.

    For Lilian Uchtenhagen, the Swiss Social Democratic Party, the search for a new international economic order has to do with democratic socialism. This socialism will overcome the conflicts of interest and also met the demands of citizenship. However, as the new order has to implement some structural changes then it is not readily acceptable, especially in countries already developed.

    Today the development is more qualitative than quantitative. The quality of life now is accomplished with environmental protection, social security and the increase of schooling, goods an services that are not produced by the private sector but by the public that it seeks a benefit / cost greater than unity.

    The development is not identical to growth, including the financial activity of Wall Street; it can be recovered but the economy can continue with difficulties, because most of the time the financial decisions are made unilaterally without taking into account what happens in real economy. The people must initiate the economic development with its own responsibility, to meet their own needs, but with the support of the state.

    Democracy is the basis of socialism said Bernt Carlsson of Sweden's Social Democratic Party. There was consolidated first political democracy, then social democracy and economic democracy right time.

    The blind faith in growth, behind the backs of development, is based on the exploitation of limited resources, as it is showing at this time the energy crisis. All this has put at risk the environmental health and ecological balance.

    Doctrinaire communism is based on a totalitarian system that polarizes social classes between two blocks and thus produces hatred and unnecessary conflict.

    This kind of de facto government removes the civilized system of the free vote to elect a representative democracy and has little contemplation of human rights. In this system the people's sovereignty is manipulated from the few to dominate the power.

    The dogmatic thinking is intolerant because it is based on an ideological monocentric.

    In its effort to form an egalitarian society, said Michael Rocard, secretary general of the French socialist party, the world communist removed all free thought and all the practical exercise of a pluralistic and multiparty democracy.

    The program of communism bureaucratic and centralized program for a small group in power has not been able to be applied in complex societies with democratic tradition, because these countries want universal suffrage, balance of powers and participation of citizens through various forms of economic and social management.

    These democratic countries considered as inhuman repression and political persecution that destroys civilized coexistence.

    jueves, diciembre 04, 2008

    Chávez pierde terreno entre los pobres en Venezuela



    CARACAS (AP) - Después de casi una década sin poder pisar las barriadas pobres de la capital, los opositores venezolanos lograron arrebatarle al presidente Hugo Chávez parte de lo que él asumía como su territorio natural y hacerse de la alcaldía de Petare, uno de los distritos marginales más grandes y violentos de Latinoamérica.

    Paradójicamente, el debilitamiento de las lealtades de los sectores populares hacia Chávez ocurre en medio de una bonanza económica generada por el auge de los precios del petróleo de los últimos cuatros años, que permitió al gobierno crear numerosos programas sociales destinados a los sectores más postergados del país.

    El gobierno sostiene que la pobreza en Venezuela se redujo entre 1998 y el año pasado al pasar de 43,9% a 28,5%, pero estimaciones independientes refieren que cerca de la mitad de país son pobres.

    Aunque Chávez insistentemente ha señalado en los últimos días que la fidelidad de los pobres sigue intacta, los resultados de las elecciones regionales del 23 de noviembre muestran otra realidad en la capital.

    En Petare, donde habitan cerca de 2 millones de personas, de los cuales el 72% son pobres, el opositor Carlos Ocariz ganó la alcaldía con un 55,80% de los votos. El oficialista Jesse Chacón sacó el 43,6% de los sufragios.

    En las elecciones regionales del 2004 el candidato oficialista conquistó la alcaldía en Petare con el 52,16% de los votos, mientras que Ocariz recibió el 45,7% al optar por primera vez a ese cargo.

    Al comparar los resultados de este año con los del 2004 se observa que la oposición logró en Petare remontar casi 10 puntos porcentuales, y el oficialismo tuvo una merma de 8,56 puntos, según los registros del Consejo Nacional Electoral.

    En otra populosa barriada pobre de la capital como el 23 de Enero, el candidato oficialista a la alcaldía de Caracas, el ex vicepresidente Jorge Rodríguez, logró el cargo al obtener el 66,9% de los votos, mientras que el candidato opositor, el ex líder estudiantil Stalin González, sólo recibió el 27,8%.

    El oficialismo había conseguido esa alcaldía con el 85,8% de los votos en el 2004, lo que implica que el apoyo que recibe cayó unos 18,3 puntos porcentuales.

    La oposición logró en la barriada del 23 de Enero pasar del 8,8% en la votación del 2004, a, 27,8% en los comicios de noviembre, lo que constituye una recuperación de 19 puntos porcentuales.

    Igual situación se observó en otras grandes barriadas pobres de la capital como Caricuao, La Vega y Coche, donde el oficialismo perdió entre 16 y 23 puntos porcentuales entre las elecciones regionales del 2004 y las de este año, mientras que la oposición sumó más de 20 puntos.

    Agobiado por el fétido olor que expiden centenares de bolsas de basura que tapizan algunas de las precarias calles de tierra del humilde barrio Juventud Bolivariana de Petare, Arleth Argote, vocero del consejo comunal, que es oficialista, dijo que "la mala gestión" del alcalde saliente fue determinante en la derrota de los candidatos del gobierno.

    "Se les pasó factura", afirmó Argote, de 31 años, y agregó que a los candidatos oficialistas "les faltó integrarse más a las comunidades. No dejar que el presidente hable por ellos. Si ellos son los candidatos, tienen que tomar la iniciativa".

    "Las personas que venían trabajando por el proceso (chavista) hace 10 años nunca vieron un resultado ni hacia ellos ni hacia su comunidad y eso es lo que ha pasado. Hubo gente que se cansó de lo mismo", añadió.

    Desde su humilde vivienda de paredes de cartón y techo de zinc en Petare, Verónica Alvarez, una desempleada de 24 años, admitió que votó a favor de Ocariz porque quería "un cambio".

    Visiblemente molesta por el deterioro de las calles de su barrio, la montaña de basura que hay en las vías y la falta de alumbrado público, Alvarez, una desempleada de 24 años, admitió que votó a favor de Ocariz porque quería "un cambio".

    Aunque Alvarez defendió el programa Barrio Adentro I, que mantiene desde hace cuatro años el gobierno de Chávez en las barriadas para prestar atención médica primaria a los sectores pobres, la joven señaló que eso "no es suficiente".

    "Señores de la oposición no crean que ustedes controlan Petare. No crean que controlan el estado Miranda. El estado Miranda está habitado por un pueblo revolucionario", afirmó Chávez al defender los resultados de las pasadas elecciones regionales donde el oficialismo logró 17 de las 22 gobernaciones en disputa, y la oposición ganó cinco de los mayores estados y la alcaldía mayor de Caracas.

    Al explicar las razones que llevaron al oficialismo a perder la alcaldía en Petare, el mandatario indicó que ese distrito incorpora zonas ricas "con campos de golf y todo eso, clubes, y restaurantes de lujo", y áreas pobres, donde aseguró que el oficialismo obtuvo "el 71%" de los votos.

    "La abstención en el Petare rico fue de menos del 20%. Tu no ves que van a votar en carro, pues, todos tienen cédulas, casi todos están registrados en el Consejo Electoral. Allá arriba (en los barrios) no. Allá hay muchos pobres. Allá hay muchos que no están inscritos todavía en el registro, y la abstención llegó allá arriba a más de 40% en los pobres", agregó.

    Apoyado en cifras del Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE), Ocariz negó las afirmaciones de Chávez, y aseguró que el 72% de los habitantes de Petare son pobres, un 28% de clase media y hay un porcentaje mínimo de ricos.

    El alcalde electo del municipio Sucre dijo en entrevista con la AP que en los comicios regionales pudo vencer al candidato oficialista porque "en Petare la gente votó por el cambio. La gente está cansada de vivir mal. Fue una lucha entre la ideología y la cotidianidad. La gente quiere cambiar su calidad de vida y eso fue lo que votó el 23 de noviembre".

    Ocariz, un ex congresistas e ingeniero civil de 37 años, denunció que en las elecciones debió enfrentar al "Estado completo" y luchar contra "los mismos poderes públicos, contra el dinero, contra el petróleo, contra el ventajismo enorme de las cadenas presidenciales".

    "Mientras ellos regalaban lavadoras, secadoras, dinero, colchones, yo simplemente daba un volante, un papel con una propuesta", manifestó. "Creo eso es un mensaje muy bonito que dio el pueblo de Petare. No hay poder en el mundo que pueda comprar las conciencias de la gente cuando tienes convicción de cambiar", agregó.

    Ocariz, del partido Primero Justicia, aseguró que otro de los elementos que incidió en su victoria fue su conexión con las barriadas de Petare, las cuales aseguró que viene recorriendo desde hace 18 años como dirigente social y político.

    El Plan Francés: al estilo de 1930


    DOUAI, Francia (AP) - Francia pondrá en marcha un plan de estímulo económico por 26.000 millones de euros (33.000 millones de dólares) con la esperanza de evitar la recesión y lograr una expansión de 0,6% el año próximo, informó el jueves el gobierno.
    PUBLICIDAD

    El presidente Nicolas Sarkozy anunció en Douai, cerca de una planta de Renault, el programa que incluye aproximadamente 1.300 millones de euros para que las empresas automotrices de Francia sobrelleven la caída en la venta de vehículos sin eliminar empleos.

    La industria de la construcción será apoyada con una inversión de 6.500 millones de euros para mejorar líneas férreas, escuelas y hospitales. El gobierno también inyectará 11.500 millones de euros a la economía mediante devoluciones fiscales.

    miércoles, diciembre 03, 2008

    Arcaya y Asociados comenta la Economía de Venezuela


    While many other governments in Latin America have undertaken measures to cushion their economies from the onset of a global recession, the response from the Venezuelan authorities has been to make light of recent developments and the threats posed to the domestic economy. This has heightened concerns that the government is ill prepared to respond to a sharp economic decline in 2009.

    Far from showing worry about an imminent global recession, President Hugo Chávez argued in October that Venezuela's capital and exchange controls offered protection against an economic crisis. The minister of finance, Alí Rodríguez, has also asserted that Venezuela's "is one of the most stable economies in the world". Moreover, the president has given little indication that his policies will shift in response to sharply declining oil prices, insisting that international reserves are sufficiently ample to allow Venezuela to withstand a financial crisis even if the oil price falls to US$7/barrel.

    Haiman El Troudi, the minister of planning and development, has confirmed that the government has not adjusted its GDP growth projection for 2008 (of 6%), and says he is confident that oil prices will rise to US$80-100/b in 2009. The recent release of the 2009 budget revealed that the government expects growth to remain stable at 6% next year. Mr Rodríguez also has pointed to new trade and investment ties to Russia, China and Iran, which the government believes will help protect against an economic slowdown.

    Reality will strike

    The reality, however, is that Venezuela will be sharply affected by the global economic downturn. The economies of Russia and Iran themselves are already experiencing severe difficulties, and there are growing risks of a sharper slowdown in China. And after peaking at around US$130/b in July, the Venezuelan oil mix (which trades at around a US$10/b discount to Brent) was down to US$46/b in mid-November. Given that oil revenue accounts for 95% of total export earnings and over one-half of government income, Venezuela's public finances and external position will deteriorate in what remains of 2008 and during 2009, assuming that oil prices do not return to the levels of earlier this year.

    Although the banking system is not directly exposed to the financial crisis in the US, the Venezuelan economy is being affected by the drying up of international finance. One example is the impact it is having on the movements of the currency on the parallel exchange market. Until now the government has attempted to narrow the disparity between the official fixed exchange rate and the black-market exchange rate by selling bonds purchasable in local currency but denominated in dollars.

    By selling on the instruments in the international capital markets, buyers had access to dollars (albeit at a weaker implicit rate of exchange) and the government managed to drain liquidity from the financial system. While capital controls and still-expansionary fiscal spending mean that there is still captive liquidity in the domestic financial system, notwithstanding rising capital flight, the problems in international financial markets has weakened appetite for these transactions. The Global 2027 bond, broadly representative of Venezuelan paper, has lost around 50% of its value since the beginning of the year.

    As a result, the black-market exchange rate has weakened sharply in recent weeks, reaching around BsF6:US$1 in mid-October before strengthening slightly to BsF5:US$1 in mid-November, indicating that the bolívar is overvalued by more than 200% (the official rate is BsF2.15:US$1).

    Wishful thinking

    The unveiling of the 2009 budget, based on a set of unrealistic macroeconomic assumptions, has deepened fears that the government is turning a blind eye to the fallout from the global downturn. The authorities are forecasting GDP growth of 6% (compared with the Economist Intelligence Unit's forecast of a 3% contraction), average inflation of 15% (compared with levels of nearly 40% currently), an increase in oil production to 3.7m barrels/day (we anticipate production stagnating at 2.4m b/d) and an average oil price of US$60/barrel.

    The increase in the oil price forecast is significant. Previous budgets were underpinned by unrealistically low oil price assumptions (the 2008 budget was based on an average price of US$35/b, compared with an estimated outturn of US$90/b while the 2007 budget was based on an average US$29/b, compared with a full-year average of US$65/b) but this tended to offset an unrealistically high forecast for oil production. Independent calculations suggest that the current forecast output of 3.7m b/d is far above current capacity, which is estimated by the International Energy Agency (IEA) at 2.6m b/d. Venezuela's current production quota set by OPEC is 2.34m b/d, while the IEA estimates output at an average 2.37m b/d during January-September 2008.

    With the budget now overestimating both oil production and prices, government revenue is bound to fall far short of projections. Non-oil revenue is also likely to come in below projections, as weaker GDP growth affects tax income.

    Spending cuts not likely

    To make matters worse, the erosion of Mr Chávez's political position following local and state elections on November 23rd (with the opposition taking five of 22 state governorships, up from two previously, as well as the mayoralties of Caracas and Maracaibo) will make the government reluctant to cut social spending. Such spending, through a range of transfers, food, health and education programmes and the "misiones" community-based programmes, now accounts for around 50% of public expenditure. There are also increased spending pressures arising from the enlargement of the public sector following a wave of nationalisations during the past year, with personnel expenditure (comprising wages, bonuses and financial compensation for workers) accounting for 23% of total government spending.

    Meanwhile, debt servicing is forecast to rise to BsF15bn (9% of total spending), reflecting higher interest costs and extra government issuance to absorb liquidity. Given problems in the international financial markets, plans to buy back debt have been suspended, meaning that the public debt stock is likely to rise sharply.

    According to the budget assumptions, the government is forecasting a deficit of BsF7.3bn (1.7% of GDP). However, with oil prices and production set to come in significantly under budget projections, the authorities will face a much wider fiscal deficit. As an indication of the potential mismatch between revenue and expenditure, the IEA has calculated that oil prices would need to average US$91/b in 2009 to balance the budget.

    Given the political difficulties of cutting spending, there is a growing likelihood that the government will have to resort to devaluing the bolívar and/or raising taxes as a means to boost fiscal income.

    O calote (que no se paga o impagable)



    O calote (que no se paga)

    Luiz Felipe Lampreia

    Muita atenção tem sido dada a um possível calote em cadeia de US$ 5 bilhões que o Brasil sofreria dos governos da Venezuela, da Bolívia e do Paraguai, além daquele que já está anunciado pelo Equador. É claro que esta circunstância gravíssima e penosa não ocorreu ainda, tratando-se por ora apenas de uma possibilidade ou, se preferirem, de uma probabilidade. Mas a questão-chave é: como chegamos a este ponto?

    Nos anos 1970 e 1980, o Brasil fez alguns empréstimos internacionais que não pode cobrar. Com Moçambique, há 20 anos, acabamos perdoando uma dívida de certa importância, em razão de extrema insolvência desse país, assim como fizeram todos os integrantes do Clube de Paris. Houve o famoso caso da Polônia, antes ainda, em que financiamos um programa de desenvolvimento de minas de carvão que nunca se materializou. Aí, porém, houve um acordo dificilmente negociado que acabou sendo um pagamento ao Brasil. Houve também o caso de Angola, país ao qual emprestamos vultosas somas para financiamento de obras públicas. Aí também negociamos uma regularização dos pagamentos por meio de fornecimentos de petróleo angolano.

    No caso da América do Sul, é justificável que tenhamos feito empréstimos para projetos de infra-estrutura em nossos vizinhos. Afinal, eles são parte integrante da política externa brasileira para a região desde os anos 70, quando financiamos a Hidrelétrica de Itaipu. Na década passada, no governo do presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso, surgiu a Iniciativa de Integração da Infra-Estrutura Regional Sul-Americana (IIRSA), um processo multissetorial que pretende desenvolver e integrar as áreas de transporte, energia e telecomunicações da América do Sul, em dez anos. Ela foi criada na primeira Cúpula de Presidentes da América do Sul realizada em Brasília em 30 de agosto de 2000. Trata-se de um trabalho que avança e conta com o apoio do Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento (BID), da Corporação Andina de Fomento (CAF) e dos governos envolvidos. Na realidade, não pode haver integração econômica e comercial na nossa região sem avanços na integração física, com a criação de estradas, portos, hidrovias, hidrelétricas, gasodutos. O Brasil tem evidente interesse em que esta integração seja fomentada, pois a região é nosso palco histórico e nossa primeira vizinhança.

    Mas, voltando à questão inicial, como chegamos ao ponto de estarmos ameaçados de um calote generalizado?

    O governo brasileiro nos últimos anos colocou tal prioridade na integração econômica sul-americana e na solidariedade regional que aceitou subordinar tudo o mais a esse objetivo. Por isso vem tolerando atitudes negativas, expropriações e outras agressões, com benevolência. A colheita dos resultados desta posição começou em 2006, quando o governo de Evo Morales, instruído pelo venezuelano Hugo Chávez, enviou o Exército para ocupar as instalações da Petrobrás na Bolívia. O governo brasileiro não moveu uma palha, nem antes nem depois, para evitar esse fato lamentável. Com isso se criou um precedente que agora encontra novo episódio no Equador e amanhã pode gerar a reação em cadeia já descrita como uma ameaça de US$ 5 bilhões.

    E, agora, o que fazer?

    Em primeiro lugar, dentro das normas jurídicas e dos preceitos da boa convivência internacional, é vital contestar vigorosamente a ação do governo equatoriano. É bem sabido que o Brasil não pode e não deve ser truculento com nossos vizinhos. Desde o Barão do Rio Branco nossa política externa se tem pautado pela não-intervenção nos assuntos internos dos outros, pelo respeito ao direito internacional, pela solução pacífica de controvérsias, e tudo isso é sagrado. Mas a renúncia à defesa dos interesses nacionais em nome da integração regional não é um preço aceitável. Nenhum grande país renuncia a seus interesses nacionais. A Alemanha e a França aceitaram em 1958 integrar-se à Comunidade Européia abrindo mão - em favor de instituições supranacionais como a Comissão Européia ou o Tribunal Europeu - de diversas prerrogativas, como a negociação de acordos comerciais com terceiros, a palavra final em importantes questões judiciárias, a regulamentação ambiental, etc... Fizeram-no porque haviam combatido em três grandes guerras e não queriam mais voltar a fazê-lo. Mas, como qualquer pessoa que tenha negociado com os europeus sabe, jamais deixaram de defender tenazmente os seus interesses dentro da União Européia e fora dela, haja vista, por exemplo, a permanência do exacerbado protecionismo agrícola, que tanto nos prejudica e que é a maior prioridade francesa, mesmo contra a posição dos ingleses, dos escandinavos e dos próprios alemães.

    Há um prenúncio tímido de reação, com a convocação para consultas do embaixador em Quito. A questão não é trivial, nem se pretende aqui que seja elementar conduzir esta delicada questão com uma receita mágica. São desafios novos que o Brasil enfrenta hoje e, provavelmente, vai enfrentar em maior escala amanhã. É muito importante que haja uma reflexão e um debate, que não se restrinja a quatro paredes em Brasília, sobre como nosso país deve relacionar-se com seus vizinhos, em particular com aqueles que têm hoje governos estridentes e pouco afeitos a respeitar a ordem jurídica interna ou internacional. Em nosso tempo, a política externa já não pode ser conduzida de forma opaca.

    A opinião pública brasileira está hoje atenta a estas questões. Por isso mesmo, aguarda com atenção os próximos capítulos.

    Luiz Felipe Lampreia, professor de Relações Internacionais
    da ESPM, foi ministro das Relações Exteriores (1995-2001)

    "Boligarcas" sobem ao topo na Venezuela socialista


    03/12/2008
    "Boligarcas" sobem ao topo na Venezuela socialista

    Benedict Mander
    Em Caracas

    Há dez anos, Wilmer Ruberti era apenas outro executivo ambicioso. Atualmente, enquanto o presidente da Venezuela Hugo Chávez completa uma década no poder, Ruperti é um bilionário dos transportes e um dos homens mais ricos do país.

    Muitos dos colegas de Ruperti alegam que seu sucesso se deve a mais do que seu talento para os negócios. Ele é taxado de "boligarca", a nova raça de magnatas venezuelanos que têm relações próximas com o governo "bolivariano" de Chávez -Simon Bolívar foi herói da independência da América do Sul no século 19.

    Ruperti diz que foi castigado por seu papel na greve infame da indústria de petróleo em 2002-03, fomentada por opositores de Chávez, muitos deles líderes empresariais, que estavam tentando derrubar o governo.

    Depois de disponibilizar seus petroleiros para o governo -e assim permitir ao presidente sobreviver à tentativa da oposição de cortar sua principal fonte de renda, ou seja, as exportações petróleo- Ruperti ficou em boa posição para conquistar os contratos de transportes da petrolífera nacional, Pdvsa, em uma época em que outros foram excluídos.

    "Foi uma grande decisão. Normalmente eu não jogo dessa forma", diz Ruperti, que admite que valeu a pena. "Mas, realmente, eu só estava cumprindo meu contrato".

    Daniel Hellinger, historiador e cientista político especialista na Venezuela diz que altas do petróleo anteriores geraram novas elites empresariais. "É a história se repetindo", diz ele.

    Ele distingue dois grupos de boligarcas: membros da ordem antiga que "mudaram de cor na hora certa" e um novo grupo que "fez decisões inteligentes, construiu conexões com o governo, foi muito esperto e soube como trabalhar com o sistema".

    Entretanto, os líderes empresariais que defenderam a greve de petróleo e o golpe de Estado fracassado em 2002 sofreram. A principal baixa foi o Rctv, que era o canal mais popular de televisão da Venezuela. Sua licença foi revogada no ano passado, devido parcialmente às acusações de Chávez que estivera por trás do golpe.

    A diferença entre a elite antiga e a nova, dizem os observadores, é que a nova evita a política. "Evidentemente, o governo fica mais confortável trabalhando com pessoas que não estão tentando derrubá-lo", diz Arturo Sarmiento, que foi importador de uísque e negociador petróleo e hoje dirige a rede de televisão regional Telecaribe.

    Alberto Cudemus, empresário proeminente envolvido na criação de suínos que tem boas relações com o governo, diz: "Muitos dos empresários tradicionais simplesmente não compreendem que houve uma enorme mudança aqui... as empresas têm que voltar a fazer o que supostamente deveriam fazer: investir, gerar emprego, melhorar a tecnologia e produzir bens e serviços. Não é nosso papel fazer as leis."

    De fato, apesar de Chávez chamar seu credo de "socialismo do século 21", alguns capitalistas -principalmente os que trabalham com commodities, os expostos à expansão de consumo venezuelana e os que se beneficiam de distorções econômicas- vem prosperando.

    Para algumas empresas, a Venezuela é o país mais rentável da região. "As empresas podem fazer dinheiro mais sério na Venezuela", diz Daniel Linsker, analista da Control Risks, que presta consultoria a várias empresas internacionais grandes operando na Venezuela. "Isso não significa que não seja um desafio, que as empresas privadas não enfrentem um alto grau de incerteza e até abusos do governo, ou que as empresas possam remeter seus lucros livremente", acrescenta.

    Os bancos, em particular, prosperaram. Isso se deveu particularmente a um a taxa de câmbio fixa desde 2003 para impedir a fuga de capital com os temores de instabilidade resultante do estilo impulsivo de Chávez. Entretanto, depois de permanecer igual contra o dólar desde então, depois de anos de inflação galopante, agora a moeda está altamente supervalorizada.

    Isso fomentou um mercado negro ativo que permitiu aos banqueiros experientes -particularmente os que têm contratos com o governo- a fazerem fortunas "como as russas", de acordo com um banqueiro de investimento local.

    Entretanto, é provável que, de agora em diante, torne-se muito mais difícil fazer fortuna na Venezuela. O colapso do preço do petróleo significa que os capitalistas do país, boligarcas ou não, enfrentarão tempos mais difíceis.

    Quanto à Ruperti, ele ri do termo boligarca. "Na Venezuela, as pessoas inventam todo tipo de história ridícula", diz ele. "Não passei mais do que sete minutos com Chávez".

    Tradução: Deborah Weinberg
    Visite o site do Financial Times

    El negocio turístico en Venezuela se politizó


    Siempre es bueno recordar las definiciones de la Organización Mundial del Turismo (OMT) pues el turismo "político" como veremos no es realmente TURISMO sino una salida de divisas innecesaria. OMT señala con toda claridad que el Turista es aquel visitante que se traslada de su lugar de residencia habitual a otro lugar por más de 24 horas ( o sea que necesita pernoctar) y que además no debe recibir ningún tipo de remuneración ni en dinero ni en especies en el lugar visitado.

    Pues bien, si Venezuela realiza por ejemplo un Congreso Político de personas de la Izquierda y el país les paga todo el paquete de viaje para que vengan al Congreso, esas personas, según la definición de la OMT, no son Turistas pues Venezuela les está remunerando dándoles un paquete de viaje completo de venida y regreso. Si esos visitantes se contabilizan en las estadísticas del turismo receptivo o internacional es un error y produce un SESGO estadístico no aceptable desde el punto de vista técnico. Eso es muy parecido, si en algunas estadísticas sobre turismo internacional se agregan pasajeros de tránsito o excursionistas de cruceros, que no pernoctan en el país a donde llegan.

    También es un gran error contabilizar a los turistas nacionales multiplicando el número de visitantes en un año por la veces que viajan dentro del territorio nacional. Esto no se debe hacer por varias razones: (1) conocer el número de viajes que realiza un viajero durante un año es mucho más complicado, pues ese es un dato que depende de muchas variables que no se pueden contabilizar con facilidad; por ejemplo, yo puedo reportar que en el trimestre pasado realice 5 viajes desde mi residencia habitual a otros lugares del territorio nacional, pero ese mismo visitante podría decir que en el trimestre siguiente sólo pudo realizar 2 viajes.

    (2) Por esto las estadísticas mundiales del turismo doméstico o sea nacional sólo permiten contabilizar el número de visitantes y no sus viajes realizados ( o sea supongamos que en un año llegaron a la Isla de Margarita 2 millones de visitantes, ¿cómo entonces se podría conocer para cada visitante, en ese año, su número de viajes?, si lo importante es que llegaron los 2 millones y estuvieron tantas noches en la isla y gastaron tal cantidad de dinero).

    (3 ) Además, empíricamente ya se sabe que el turismo nacional casi siempre es 6 veces el turismo internacional. O sea, que en Venezuela cuando en el año 1990 llegaron al país 650.000 turistas internacionales, lo más probable era que el turismo nacional fuese igual a: 3.900.000; y al comienzo del año 2003 cuando Venezuela sólo recibe más o menos 330.000 turistas internacionales, entonces es probable que el turismo doméstico sea igual a 1.980.000. Lo que es inaceptable, de acuerdo a lo establecido por OMT, es multiplicar por ejemplo el número anterior por digamos 5 viajes al año y decir que el turismo doméstico es igual a 9.900.000 de viajes al año (estadísticamente eso no tiene sentido).

    Y no tiene sentido porque se decía que en Venezuela el turismo internacional, para el año 2.007, fue de un poco más de 770.000 visitantes (donde seguramente se han contabilizado todos los participantes a congresos políticos); y que el número de viajes domésticos fue de 40 millones, lo cual supondría decir que a lo mejor se estaba multiplicando 4.200.000 de turistas nacionales por 9,5 viajes cada uno; o sea que se contabilizaban dos SESGOS : (1) la contabilidad errada del turismo internacional o receptivo igual a casi 193.000 por trimestre y (2) la multiplicación por 9 o bien 10 viajes al año que en el contexto actual, de crisis salarial y de inflación promedio del 30% al año, es quizá impensable hacer tantos viajes costosos; y si fuesen viajes de ida y regreso el mismo día a lugares cercanos ( por ejemplo: Caracas-Higuerote), esos viajeros no son de TURISTAS, sino de RECREACIONISTAS, por que ellos no habrían pernoctado.

    El negocio del trueque es primitivo y riesgoso

    Si usted cambia 36 barriles de petróleo a US$ 50 cada uno por una vaquillona holandesa que produce 4.500 litros de leche con un valor de 1.800 dólares, no está mal; pero si el negocio del trueque se realiza con los Uruguayos que quieren valorar a sus novillas preñadas, de raza Jersey, en US$ 3.410 entonces el negocio es pésimo, pues estamos perdiendo US$ 1.610 y regalándole al país Sureño esa cantidad por hacer un canje a precios especulativos al estilo del "capitalismo salvaje", como se dice por estos lares. Por eso siempre se ha dicho que el TRUEQUE es muy riesgoso como mecanismo de intercambio económico.

    La deudas del Estado

    El Estado esta muy endeudado por una muy mala administración fiscal y con los precios del petróleo que puede bajar a US$ 30 el barril, será más complicado pagar incluso los intereses. Venezuela tuvo la oportunidad de oro de no tener deudas cuando el barril de crudo estaba en los US$140, pues había dinero suficiente para cancelar la deuda pública de US$ 20.000 millones y quizá 27.000 millones de bolívares fuertes de la deuda interna. Pero como no se tomó esa decisión clave, desde el próximo año hasta el año de 2045 el país tiene que cancelar deuda pública por US$ 42.000 millones sin contar los intereses, o sea solamente el pago del principal.

    Chávez: nacionalizar como sea...

    Chávez instó a los nuevos gobernadores del PSUV que cualquier empresa donde hayan problemas con los trabajadores hay que nacionalizarlas para convertirlas en empresas de propiedad social. Pero lo que uno observa por la TV es que los trabajadores que hacen reclamos no son de las empresas privadas sino de las empresas gubernamentales, entonces habrían que re-privatizar a esas empresas para que los trabajares puedan solucionar sus reclamos.

    El Presidente también en su discurso señaló que había que combatir la corrupción... cuál corrupción la de los gobernadores y alcaldes salientes?, porque como lo asegura el chavista José Luis Carpio algunos gobernadores y alcaldes salientes compraron propiedades en Panamá, Costa Rica, Miami y España, para cuidarse en salud (con ese sueldito ?).

    Y el Presidente llamó a sus seguidores a iniciar la batalla para reformar la constitución y él pueda gobernar por 10 años adicionales; y uno se pregunta: ¿ y los otros revolucionarios que tienen aspiraciones presidenciales como Diosdado Cabello, por ejemplo, o Henry Falcón qué harían al respecto. Dice Miguel en su Semanario "Las Verdades de Miguel" que lo más seguro es que el mismo Diosdado cobrará su derrota frenando la enmienda, a menos que Chávez lo mande de Embajador o le de un puesto importante como Ministro de la Defensa.

    Pero Chávez puede gobernador si su Hija María Gabriela logra la presidencia en el año 2013, al igual que el esposo de la Presidenta de Argentina, o Putin como primer Ministro o el hermano de Fidel Castro. Pero eso depende como la esté preparando para el futuro el General Jacinto Pérez Arcay.

    Las 8 verdades del periodista MIGUEL

    Ustedes saben que la oposición solamente lee El Universal y El Nacional y a veces Ultimas Noticias, pues bien deberían leer los comentarios semanales del periodista Miguel en su SEMANARIO que se llama "Las Verdades de Miguel", y leer la última página donde muchas veces se dice allí la verdad de una supuesta "revolución" que ha tenido sólo victorias "Escuálidas" como el mismo señala. En en enlace de arriba aparece la versión digital de ese Semanario, si lo quieren consultar.

    Miguel siendo una persona de izquierda el 28 de noviembre escribió varios asuntos que él debe conocer con mucha propiedad porque conoce bien lo que pasa en el interior del Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela (PSUV) que él lo califica de "una quimera".

    Voy en seguida a resumir lo que señaló en relación a la última elección del 23 de noviembre:

    (1) Que el oficialismo perdió PETARE y PERDIO CARACAS, por la ineficiente gestión de José Rangel Avalos (el hijo de José Vicente Rangel) y Feddy Bernal. El primero por no administrar bien ese espacio popular sino pensar sólo en jubilarse con una buena tajada de dinero (jubilarse a esa baja edad ?) , y el otro o sea Bernal, porque se dedicó a mejorar su propia calidad de vida y no se ocupó de administrar los problemas de Caracas (eso de mejorar su calidad de vida incluso haciéndose cirugía plástica, es un eufemismo para no decir "corrupción").

    (2) Que en el Zulia ni Calixto Ortega, ni Rodrigo Cabezas ayudaron al alcalde oficialista Di Martino que no es tampoco revolucionario.

    (3) Que la derrota en el Estado Carabobo la cocinó el mismo PSUV, o sea que no les gustaba el Hombre del programa La Hojilla

    (4) Que en Caracas Disdado Cabello fue el que frenó la postulación de Aristóbulo Istúriz, por que son contendores para llegar a Miraflores.

    (5) Que la mayoría de los postulados por el PSUV ganaron porque Chávez fue a darles un respaldo con la intensión de hacer su propia campaña, y que eran tan malos como candidatos que hubieses perdido muchos de ellos.

    (6) Que los votos los mendigaba el PSUV con una botija llena de dinero y pagando por cada voto Bs. 50.000 y regalando lavadoras , prostituyendo conciencias.

    (7) Que en Barinas y en Sucre iban a Ganar Julio César Reyes y Eduardo Morales Gil, pero que perdieron a punta del dinero de PDVSA con Daniel Horo como operador.O sea que la "maquinaria" petrolera con sus botijas sustituyo al PSUV que según Miguel es un ELEFANTE BLANCO.

    (8) Que en el futuro los gobernadores del oficialismo que saltarán la Talanquera serán : Henry Falcón (LARA), Marcos Díaz (MËRIDA), José Briceño (MONAGAS) y Francisco Rangel (BOLIVAR), que en realidad no son leales al proceso revolucionario.

    En resumen que la oposición, independientes y disidentes pudieron haber ganado 6 Gobernaciones adicionales y quedarse con un total de 10 o sea el 45% del total de gobernaciones.Una lección para la oposición para que haga mejor su trabajo político.

    martes, diciembre 02, 2008

    The elections in Venezuela

    The elections in Venezuela

    The imbalance of power in a polarized society

    The election of November 23 is a process to choose 22 state governors, 328 mayors, 233 state legislative councilors and a range of other local positions. 17 million Venezuelans will have the opportunity to vote in these elections.

    The elections will be the 14th set of national votes held since 1998 when Hugo Chavez was first elected as President. Hugo Chavez and his coalition of supporters have won 12 of the 13 previous national elections and referenda.

    This is in stark contrast to the 40 years prior to President Chavez’s election, when only 15 national electoral contests were staged in Venezuela.

    Elections under the government of Hugo Chavez have been verified as free and fair by a range of independent international observers including the Organization of American States, the European Union and the US Carter Centre.

    A total of 134 foreign observers will take part in November's election, according to Venezuela's independent National Electoral Council (CNE). The observers will come from 34 member countries of the Organization of American States (OAS), and include representatives of electoral organizations from America, Europe, Africa and Asia.

    With regards to equality, half of the candidates standing in the local and regional elections will be women, following the implementation of legislation to ensure gender equality earlier this year. This is a tremendous advance for women in Venezuela - when these elections were last contested in 2004, 82% of candidates were male and 18% female.

    PREVIOUS REGIONAL ELECTIONS IN VENEZUELA: Equivalent elections to those on 23 November took place in Venezuela in October 2004. Chavez’s coalition of supporters won the elections in 80 per cent of the local authorities and 22 out of 24 governors. However, it should be noted that, during the run-up to the previous regional elections in October 2004, much of the opposition called on their supporters to abstain in an effort to discredit the Venezuelan electoral system, which they claimed was "fraudulent" after their defeat in the August 2004 referendum on whether President Chavez would remain in office.

    These claims became increasingly unsustainable after electoral observation missions from the European Union, the OAS and the Carter Center repeatedly expressed satisfaction with the transparency, fairness, and inclusive nature of Venezuela's electoral system. As no such boycott will occur this time, it is reasonable to assume that this will strengthen the opposition's level of support, all other things being equal. It is hoped that accurate and honest media coverage will recognize this fact.

    In 2000, Chavez’s coalition of supporters won 18 governors and the opposition six. However, three governors elected with Chavez’s support later became part of the opposition.

    A TRANSPARENT AND INCLUSIVE ELECTORAL PROCESS: Venezuela's electoral system has undergone significant improvements under the Chavez government that have helped achieve a transparent process and an increase in voter participation. Some of these are looked at below:

    AN INDEPENDENT ELECTION: The National Electoral Council (CNE), body in charge of administering elections in Venezuela is an independent branch of state. It is comprised of 11 members of the National Assembly and 10 representatives of civil society, none of who are appointed by the President.

    MONITORING OF THE ELECTION: Venezuela's elections are among the most observed anywhere in the world. At each of the 11,500 voting centers throughout the country, the dozens of parties involved in the election will be entitled to an observer - one example of how at different levels of the electoral process in Venezuela, the opposition can fully participate.

    TRANSPARENCY: The November 23 elections will be 100% computerized. Voting will take place using an electronic touch-screen voting machine that will provide every voter with a receipt. This allows the election authorities to conduct a manual recount of the paper receipts if the tally of a particular voting centre is challenged.

    The full electronic results will also be checked against a hand counted audit of 53 per cent of the machines. Thirty political parties and organizations expressed their satisfaction in one of the many audits carried out by the CNE, which took place on November 16. Thus far the CNE has carried out 53 such audits. The machines produce a receipt to allow the voter to check their vote.

    US Senator Bill Nelson (Florida) has argued they are therefore more reliable than those used in several countries including the USA. On the security of the voting machines, the report of the Chairperson of the EU Observation Mission to the 2005 elections stated, "the general conclusion of the observers was that the voting machines seemed very reliable."

    ENHANCING VOTER PARTICIPATION: Over the last few years, voter participation in Venezuelan elections has increased significantly, and in large part thanks to measures adopted by the CNE. It has carried out extensive voter registration campaigns that contributed to a 64% increase in the number of registered voters between 1998 and 2007.

    Parallel to this effort, the CNE has made voting much more accessible to millions of Venezuelans by adding new voting stations in poor neighborhoods and rural areas. It should be noted that these advances have benefited all Venezuelans by increasing democratic participation. In particular, though, they have helped to empower the less privileged citizens in poor areas and
    Afro-Venezuelan and Indigenous communities that have traditionally been left on the sidelines of Venezuelan politics. To facilitate turnout in 23 November elections, the CNE has established 1,500 Centers of Electoral Information throughout the country.

    The CNE has also produced a short video clip - with added sign language for the deaf and those with partial hearing - and a radio broadcast which are run nationally three times a day, with detailed information as to how to cast one's vote. It has also printed gigantic posters with didactic information for the voters that have been distributed to every single municipality in the country.

    The CNE has additionally added a bulletin in the national press containing all the information relevant to the regional elections, including location of polling stations and how to cast the vote.

    VENEZUELANS CONFIDENCE IN THEIR DEMOCRACY: Some media have propagated the myth that President Chavez is ‘authoritarian', or a ‘dictator', and that his supporters have stayed in power by increasing central concentration of power. Yet the latest annual survey of Latin American opinion, carried out by the independent and respected polling firm Latinobarometro, showed that Venezuela is now the country with the greatest support for democracy in Latin America on 82%. The average level of support in Latin America is 57%. This represents a huge increase in support for democracy in Venezuela under Chavez.

    In 1998, just before Chavez was first elected, the Latin American average satisfaction with democracy was 37% and Venezuela was below this average with only 35%.

    Venezuela is also now the country with the second highest levels of satisfaction with their democracy: 49% against an average of 37%. Additionally, Venezuela has, by far, the greatest number of political parties registered of any Latin American nation: 85 compared to the next highest of 22.

    Far from the government of Hugo Chavez restricting democracy as is often falsely claimed, Hugo Chavez and his supporters have won twelve out of thirteen electoral contests on a national basis since 1998.

    These are:

    1. December 1998: Hugo Chavez elected president with 56.2 per cent of the vote. 

    2. April 1999: National referendum on convening a constituent assembly to draw up a new constitution won with 71.8 per cent support. 

    3. July 1999: Election of a constituent assembly to draft a new constitution, Chavez supporters won a large majority of seats.
    4. December 1999: Referendum on whether to adopt the new constitution, won by Chavez supporters with 71.9 per cent of the vote. 

    5. July 2000: Presidential election held under the new constitution, won by Hugo Chavez with an increased majority of 59.76 per cent of the vote.
    
6. July 2000: Election of the National Assembly, Chavez supporters won a majority of the seats
.
    7. December 2000: Municipal elections with around two thirds supporting pro-Chavez parties.
    
8. August 2004 - National elections for councilors for local municipalities and local parishes. 

    9. August 2004: A national referendum called by the opposition on whether or not to remove Chavez from power, won by President Chavez with 59.3 per cent of the vote. 

    10. October 2004: Local and regional elections throughout the country, Chavez supporters won the elections in 80 per cent of the local authorities and 20 out of 22 provincial governments. 

    11. December 2005: National Assembly elections. Chavez’s party, the MVR, won a large majority of the seats following the cynical boycott of the election by some of the opposition. 

    12. December 2006 - Presidential election. Hugo Chavez was re-elected with 63%. 

    13. December 2007 - National referendum on constitutional changes misrepresentation.

    REGARDING NOVEMBER'S ELECTION: One of the main misrepresentations in the run up to the 23 November has been on so called ‘barring' of political candidates.

    Sections of the Venezuelan opposition have claimed the elections will not be free and fair due to a decision by Venezuela's Comptroller General, Clodosbaldo Russian, to temporarily disqualify a list of around 250 individuals from standing for public office after being found guilty of corruption and/or misuse of public funds. Of these a much smaller number intended to stand for election.

    The opposition, finding an echo in sections of the media, has argued that the "list of banned candidates is politically motivated and illegal" (International Herald Tribune, July 8, 2008). They add that the measure is unconstitutional. This interpretation is wrong. Some have falsely claimed that this is an attempt to exclude opponents of President Chavez. However the list of disqualified individuals includes both supporters and opponents of the government - a report in the Venezuelan newspaper Ultimas Noticias on 14 July stated that a majority could be identified as government supporters. Furthermore, many of the disqualifications were not imposed recently and are the consequence of investigations by the Comptroller General over a number of years.

    This decision by the Comptroller General is both lawful and constitutional. Such legal instruments to apply sanctions against individuals whose probity as holders of public office is under question has existed in Venezuela since 1975.

    The current legislation was adopted in 2002 as an anti-corruption measure by Venezuela's National Assembly in a near unanimous vote, including support from parties opposed to the Chavez government that then had strong representation in the National Assembly.

    The disqualified candidates have also had the opportunity to legally contest the decision and the disbarring was upheld as constitutional by a Venezuelan Supreme Court ruling on 5 August.

    Opponents of Venezuela's social progress have regularly propagated a substantial campaign of disinformation seeking to undermine the Hugo Chavez government. The latest false claims relating to the disqualifications appear to be part of this ongoing campaign.

    23 NOVEMBER: LOCAL ELECTION

    Early this morning, Venezuelans started queuing to vote in local elections for state governors and regional and municipal legislators. Turnout is expected to be high but it is a cloudy day on many states.

    Over 5000 candidates will contest 603 elections for 22 state governors, 328 mayors, 233 state legislative councilors and a range of other local positions.

    17 million Venezuelans will have the opportunity to vote in these elections. The elections will be the 14th set of national votes held since 1998.

    The final outcomes clearly show that most populated states would be under the control of the local opposition. This shows a tendency in Venezuelans political preferences.

    The opposition is leading in urban canters while the government is turning towards the rural areas. In addition, the opposition has taken almost all local authorities posts in Caracas.

    Tibisay Lucena, the president of the National Electoral Council, has just issued the first official result of Venezuela’s state and municipal elections. After receiving reports of over 60 % of the counting by electoral juntas of the votes, results did not show a clear victory for the Chavez’s candidates in meaningful posts. Seventeen governorships remain under official control though.

    However, the opposition won at traditional opposition place of Zulia and Nueva Esparta. It also regains control over Miranda state and Caracas Mayoral post. Later reports showed that the opposition also won at two more states: Carabobo and Táchira.

    The opposition came divided to the elections and suffer major set backs in the following States: Aragua, Amazonas, Anzoátegui, Apure, Barinas, Bolívar, Cojedes, Delta Amacuro, Falcón, Guárico, Lara, Yaracuy, Merida, Monagas, Portuguesa, Sucre, Trujillo y Vargas.

    The governing PSUV recognized the victory by the opposition and promised to continue with his political socialist project.
    Turnout - over 65,49% of the electorate universe -was rather high for local election historical standards in Venezuela.
    This turnout shows the renewed interest and enthusiasm on politics. In addition it demonstrated the trust of Venezuelans over their electoral systems. International observers have also hailed the technical facilities and flawless outcome of the elections.

    As President Chavez took it to heart to win this elections, their result are to be interpreted as a lukewarm sign for the extension of his tenure in power beyond 2013. Chavez would now need to devote much energy to oppose hostile opponents at the local level in Caracas and within his own party. Would be heirs of his leadership could turn dangerous for his remaining time in government.

    The world financial crisis and deficient management of his policies could create havoc in the near future. It is up to his administration to govern with less money and more focused social aims.

    The opposition would now need to analyze defeat and envision the more democratic selection of its candidates. Unlike the governing PSUV, the opposition parties did not celebrate internal elections to choose their candidates; on the contrary. They appointed candidates by maneuvering politics, internal struggles and negotiations among few leaders.

    During an International Press Conference on Monday night at Caracas, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez clarifies his stand on reelection. Chavez rejected suggestions that he would personally initiate the Constitutional mechanism to call for a new referendum on the extension of his tenure in power. Chavez is barred to do it again during his current constitutional term. However, a new Referendum on his mandate extension beyond 2012 could be called by the governing party, PSUV, or the Venezuelan people themselves, Chavez said. Such move is feared by both local and international opposition.

    During the Press Conference, Chavez confronted CNN anchor Patricia Janiot for having taken his declarations out of context and misinforming the audience. Janiot had informed on CNN that Chavez would take tanks on the street if his party, PSUV, failed at local elections.

    He also answered the question about the president Obama and said that the new leader had good intentions but in the context of right intolerable groups in the U.S. may not be able to fulfill its promises and that also might risk that USA killed as he they had done with other presidents.

    He also said that oil prices should be located in a band between 80 and 100 dollars, and the urgency of a bank of the countries of OPEC, but that if it was not possible to organize that bank then what Venezuela would begin to promote only with Iran.
    Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez says that his socialist party could seek to amend the constitution to provide unlimited presidential rule.

    Following promising results for his left-wing party from state elections, Chavez said on Monday he would not personally promote such a reform which would allow him to run for reelection in 2012. "It's the people's right (to decide on the issue). We'll see if the people use this right, and if all the country approves it or not, if there is a referendum," he said. "I've said I'm not going to introduce or ask for any constitutional reform regarding presidential reelection. What I can't avoid is if someone else does it," the Venezuelan leader added.

    The remarks come a day after Sunday's vote where the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) won 17 states out of 22, polling a sweeping 95.67% of votes counted nationally, with Chavez's brother, Adan, winning the governor's race in his home state of Barinas.

    Chavez hailed the Venezuelan people's decisive participation after the National Electoral Council published its first report on Monday, describing it as 'a signal to boost the Bolivarian Revolution started in this South American country in 1999'. "This has been a special success of the PSUV, but the victory is also of all Venezuela, which ratified its democratic triumph and honored the National Constitution," Chavez stated. "From February 2, I have four more years of government…I'm going to speed up the pace in these four years to carry out the Bolivarian socialist project," he said.

    Election chief Tibisay Lucena said on Sunday 23, that the opposition had won the five most populous states: Miranda, Zulia, Carabobo, Táchira as well as Nueva Esparta. The Caracas mayor's office also shifts to the opposition.

    Some 65.45% of almost 17 million eligible voters turned out at the polls to choose 22 governors, 328 mayors and 233 heads of regional councils for four-year terms.

    What this indicates is that the process of voting has favored the president Chavez that has become an autocrat with the total political power.

    The old political parties (AD, COPEI and MAS) were ultimately discredited and disappear from the political scene.

    The opposition has been unable to successfully rebuild all their matches and then the emergence of new political groups such as: First Justice, New Time, Emerging Vision, Copei renovated and refurbished AD, but in a climate of intolerance and confrontation have been organized with the support of Young Leaders and with the support of academic leaders.

    But these new and youth parties have been unable to reach the groundwork for lack of resources, which if they've been able to make the party formed by President Chavez who has had a lot of money to penetrate almost all the spaces of power that is closer to the voter population.

    The success of these new groups is evident as they have been able to win in major urban cities of the country and especially in the city of Caracas that is the geographical area with the largest number of inhabitants.

    That is, President Hugo Chavez's opponents made important gains in Venezuela's local elections, capturing the Caracas mayor's office and five of the most populous and important states.

    THE GOVERNMENT WINS ELECTIONS BECAUSE IT HAS MONEY

    In the newspaper called "The Facts of Miguel" (LAS VERDADES DE MIGUEL), newspaper that supports the revolution socialist has been said that the governors and mayors who lost the government is due to the very acts of mismanagement and corruption.

    Moreover also in this newspaper on November 25 it said: the supporters of the government were the same people who held up the vote in Carabobo and in Caracas, and the governorates that won the government was due to Chavez's campaign because the tenets of the PSUV were defeated.

    The votes were purchased with government with Bs. 50,000 each and giving away appliances. Barinas lost and Sucre too because the government but with money from PDVSA and could get her the natural leaders and Morales Gil and Reyes.

    In short, the government always won elections because the government payments in cash; a lack of ethics and aberrant decisions.

    RADIO..PUNTO RADIO...

    Vamos a ver si podemos sumarnos a esta radio española...trasmite desde MADRID para toda España e incluso para Canarias.

    y También RADIO IMAGEN:

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