Dos políticos de oposición muy parecidos

Dos políticos de oposición muy parecidos
Geraldo Alckmin (Brasil) y Manuel Rosales (Venezuela)

Gerardo Alckmin un médico de clase media y de 54 de edad abandona la gobernación del Estado de Sao Paulo y luego él es el principal político opositor en la contienda con el actual presidente de Brasil Lula Da Silva. Manuel Rosales un político de carrera de 52 años de edad renuncia también a la gobernación del Estado Zulia para él ser el principal opositor al actual presidente de Venezuela Hugo Chávez.

Alckmin del partido social demócrata brasileño fue concejal, luego alcalde o intendente de la ciudad de Sao Paulo y luego diputado y gobernador de del Estado de Sao Paulo. Rosales fue del partido social demócrata venezolano, fue también concejal y alcalde de la Ciudad de Maracaibo y luego gobernador del Estado Zulia.

Estos dos políticos son calificados como personas de bajo perfil si se comparan con el protagonismo y el discurso retórico de Lula y de Chávez. Pero aunque estos dos políticos sean percibidos como personas insípidas ellos han logrado, en poco tiempo, un porcentaje de intención del voto entre el 30% y el 35% debido a sus persistencias y debido igualmente a que ellos han sabido criticar las malas políticas en temas que les interesada al elector.

Lula y Chávez están ahora con un 50% de intención de voto, pero con tendencia a bajar. Los candidatos Alckmin y Rosales están denunciando las varias fallas de sus gobiernos y los problemas graves de la elevada corrupción, el desempleo, la pobreza, la falta de oportunidades, la inseguridad y el abandono de los proyectos prometidos.

Algunos detalles son comentados en esta campaña política como el éxito de Lula y de Chávez entre la clase más pobre de la población, el creciente desinterés de la clase media y pudiente de la sociedad por ir a votar, aunque en Brasil el voto es obligatorio y en Venezuela el voto es voluntario.

Alckmin y Rosales son optimistas y quieren seguir sus campañas hasta el final (octubre y diciembre) pues ellos son trabajadores incansables y recuerdan como en situaciones también difíciles ganaron con los votos populares sus gobernaciones donde ellos han impulsado con éxito proyectos educativos , proyectos de salud y de infraestructura y también proyectos sociales.

Alckmin y Rosales son dos políticos bien vistos por los empresario y por los banqueros, porque ellos le otorgan importancia a la economía de mercado y tratan los problemas con transparencia y con diplomacia. Los programas de gobierno de estos dos políticos son muy similares. La estrategia de las campañas de estos dos candidatos es de resistencia y no de fuerza, así como sumar poder en estas campañas políticas en un momento grave de inseguridad pública.

Estos dos candidatos combaten a las instituciones mafiosas que han inflictado al Estado para desviar los fondos públicos y privilegiar el tráfico de influencia.

El compañero de fórmula de Alckmin y Rosales son José Jorge Vasconcelos Lima y Luís Borges, el primero del Partido Frente Liberal y el segundo del Partido Primero Justicia. Estos políticos son de perfil muy bajo y han dejado el protagonismo al candidato principal.

Uno de los problemas más graves en la campaña política en Brasil y en Venezuela es que los más pobres de la sociedad se dejan impresionar por el discurso emotivo y populista y tanto Lula como Chávez han sabido manipular el discurso para atraer a las masas populares a los cuales les han ofrecido un poder “virtual” y pocas soluciones reales. No obtsante, vamos a ver lo que opinan los brasileños :

Hacer Click Aquí

O GLOBO

A FOLHA de Sao Paulo

A FOLHA DIDITAL

Jornal do Brasil

O Estado

La segunda vuelta el 29 de octubre será muy peleada, pues si el partido del Senador Cristovan Buarque (PDT) decide acompañar a Lula (PT) con su 2,65% de los votos, entonces Lula tendría 51,28% y pasaría la frontera para ser re-elegido. Pero si el partido de Buarque decide acompañar políticamente al candidato Alckmin entonces este llegaría a contabilizar sólo el 44,28% y no le ganaría al 48,63% de Lula. Claro que si el voto de Buarque se uniera al voto de Heloísa Helena (PSOL) entonces entre ambos sumarían 9,5%, que podía decidir cualquiera de los dos bandos, pero sabemos que el voto de Heloísa no irá hacia Lula, pues ella fue expulsada de ese partido y claro no se cuadrará con el voto de Alckmin debido a que ambos tienen idiologías políticas extremas. Buarque que si fue Gobernador de Brasilia y Senador del PT de Lula, e incluso Rector de la Universidad de Brasilia, tiene en sus manos la decisión de lo que pasará el 29 de octubre próximo.Puede negociar con Lula su proyecto educativo para las minorías o para los excluídos que ha sido su bandera política.


A Tale of Two Opposition Candidates
Brazil, Venezuelan challengers have similar backgrounds
Alfredo Ascanio (askain)

Gerardo Alckmin, a 54 year-old middle class doctor, abandons the governorship of the State of Sao Paulo and becomes the main opposition candidate in the campaign against the incumbent president of Brazil, Lula Da Silva. Manuel Rosales, a 52 year-old politician, also resigns his governorship of Zulia state to run against the present president of Venezuela, Hugo Chavez.

Alckmin, of the Social Democrat Party, was a councilman, then mayor or manager of the city of Sao Paulo, and then governor of the State of Sao Paulo. Rosales, also of the Social Democrat Party, he was likewise councilman and mayor of the City of Maracaibo and then governor of Zulia state.

These two politicians qualify as low profile if compared with the prominence and the rhetorical speech of Lula and of Chavez. But although these two politicians are perceived as uninspiring, they have achieved, in little time, a percentage of intention of the vote between 30-35 percent due to their persistence and due to voters' responsiveness to their criticism of the incumbents.

Lula and Chavez both have around 50 percent support from likely voters, but are on a downward trend. The candidates Alckmin and Rosales are denouncing the several failures of their governments and the serious problems of high corruption, unemployment, poverty, lack of opportunities, insecurity, and the abandonment of promises.

Some aspects of these political campaigns that have received comment are the popularity of Lula and Chavez among the poorest class of the population and the growing disinterest of the middle class in voting, although in Brazil voting is obligatory and in Venezuela it is voluntary.

Alckmin and Rosales are optimists and they want to continue their campaigns to the end (October and December); therefore they are tireless workers, and they recall how in similarly difficult situations they gained votes due to the success of their educational, health, infrastructure, and social projects.

Alckmin and Rosales are both well-liked by businessman and bankers, because they place importance on the market economy and treat problems with transparency and with diplomacy. Their programs are very similar. The strategy of their campaigns are of resistance and not of force, as well as to add political power at a serious moment of public insecurity.

These two candidates have fought the mafia institutions that misappropriate public funds and traffic influence.

One of the most serious problems in the political campaign in Brazil and in Venezuela is that the poorest are easily swayed by populist and emotional speech. Both Lula and Chavez know how to manipulate speech to attract the popular masses by offering them "virtual" political power but few real solutions.

These politicians are perceived as typical Social Democrats; that is to say, they are tolerant and although also charismatic, they feel compelled to improve the social surroundings in a state of equality and justice.

Although both candidates desire to fight corruption, their political advisers know that that is not a subject that mobilizes the masses and excites them. For that reason they recommend focusing on the issue that always recur in the countries of Latin America; that is to say, strategies for solving poverty.

The short-term strategy is based on giving low-income families additions to the minimum wage, but granted without intermediaries so that they receive the income directly.

For example, the Venezuelan, Rosales, is offering in his campaign a debit card with the popular name "the Black Card" (the color of petroleum). This debit card would be given to around 2 million very low-income families.

The financial source for this first temporary solution would be one-fifth of the country's oil income.

This complementary welfare program would be combined with other social projects and an aggressive promotion of public and private investments with the medium-term objective to create jobs and new opportunities for small companies. But the more long-term project would be more integral and would consist of fiscal macroeconomic actions, monetary reform, and rational use of the government budget to obtain progress.

This strategy already has been implanted in Chile and in that country it has had many results, to such an extent that today the country exports more goods and services to the European Economic Community and to the United States and many countries of Latin America.

This integral strategy has still not been embraced by Alckmin, but it is the approach preferred by Rosales, and it is possible that this is the only difference that exists among them and between the Social Democratic parties that they represent.
(OhmyNews. Korea)

La Mona Lisa : nuevos hallazgos...

Los científicos del Consejo Nacional de Investigación de Canadá anunciaron los resultados de una fotografía en 3 dimensiones del famoso cuadro de Leonardo Da Vinci La Mona Lisa, durante una rueda de prensa en Ottawa, Canadá, señalando que la mujer de la sonrisa enigmática llevó originalmente una prenda de vestir delicada y que se utilizaba, en su época ,para momentos de la maternidad, y que además, el pelo estuvo recogido en un moño, detalles que han desaparecido bajo el barniz, pero son analizados ahora para hacerlos visibles con el uso de un escáner complejo y con láser.

"Esto es la Mona Lisa como nosotros nunca la habíamos visto antes," dijo el presidente de NRC Pierre Coulombe. .

Un equipo de investigadores de NRC había viajado a París, en octubre 2004, para realizar la investigación en el Museo del Louvre donde la pintura es vista por el público y por pedido del Centro francés, Recherche et de las Meditaciones de Restauration de Francia (CRRMF).

El análisis en 3D reveló que la mujer con la sonrisa enigmática fue pintada originalmente con el pelo atado atrás con un moño, aunque hoy aparezca su pelo caído en sus hombros.

La revelación se basa en una vieja controversia: porque sólo las chicas o mujeres del siglo XVI en Italia y dedicadas a la prostitución llevaban el pelo suelto, dijo un líder del proyecto de CRRMF, Bruno Mottin ; y la Mona Lisa (La Señora Lisa) era una mujer de importancia social. Una de sus prendas de vestir, semejaba la moda de las mujeres embarazadas de ese período histórico y además, se perdió también bajo el barniz amarillo, lo que se pudo escudriñar o mostrar con el rayo infrarrojo.

"Esto es algo que nunca se había visto hasta ahora," enfatizó de nuevo Mottin . La verdadera Mona Lisa tuvo tres hijos y entonces Da Vinci fue comisionardo por un florentino y empresario rico llamado Francesco Giocondo, para pintar a su esposa entre los años 1503 y 1506, después del nacimiento de su segundo niño; pero el pintor, mantuvo su trabajó incluso hasta su muerte y así pudo cambiar probablemente el pelo y otras características de la señora. En la pintura original de la "Mona Lisa," ella no descansa contra la espalda de su silla, como hemos creído, sino se había sentado verticalmente, como se ha mostrado en el análisis.

Investigadores se dedicaron también a conocer la técnica de la pintura de Da Vinci, inclusive su técnica de esfumado o de suave humo, al modelar con sombras, dijo Mottin. . "No hay ningún misterio especial en esta pintura, como se ha señalado en el libro de Dan Brown: 'El Código de Da Vinci,” dijo Mottin. "En esa pintura, Leonardo trató de capturar la esencia de la vida... y personifica todas sus habilidades... Ese es el verdadero misterio que hemos revelado."

Los investigadores identificaron una falta de pinceladas, sugiriendo que Da Vinci pudo haber utilizado los dedos para pintar, aunque no hay huellas dactilares en el trabajo artístico. . Al escudriñar la "Mona Lisa" ello reveló que las áreas más oscuras, tal como las áreas de los ojos y las comisuras de su sonrisa, son más gruesas y " estuvo compuesta de una sucesión de capas delgadamente aplicadas de su barniz," dijo el científico de la NRC Francois Blais. Sin embargo, es todavía un misterio cómo Da Vinci aplicó realmente sus capas de medio pigmento y de petróleo, dijo Blais.

"La técnica es una pintura delgada y muy plana, y además los detalles de los rizos del pelo, por ejemplo, son muy claros. Así, esta técnica diferenciada es algo que nosotros no habíamos visto jamás," dijo a John Taylor del NRC. Unos 12 centímetros ( es decir 4.7- pulgadas) partió la cabeza de la pintura, lo cual preocupó a los restauradores, y los científicos de NRC dijeron en su declaración… que : “seguramente esto fue causado por la eliminación del marco original y que fue reparado a principio del siglo XIX”.

También, el entrepaño de la madera de álamo en que Da Vinci pintó su pieza, tiene un lado convexo de 12 milímetros (0,5 pulgadas) más alto que sus otros lados; los investigadores dijeron, que esto no amenazó la sonrisa de la "Mona Lisa".

El análisis en 3D se hizo durante dos noches en el mes de octubre del año 2004, antes que la pintura se colocara en una nueva vitrina de vidrio en el Museo de Louvre en París. Mottin dijo que aunque la Mona Lisa sea vista por siete millones de visitantes que van al museo anualmente, los científicos han tenido pocas oportunidades de estudiarla en su laboratorio -- sólo una vez en la década de los 30, y en 1952 se tuvo esa oportunidad. "Ella sufre de su propia celebridad," dijo Mottin.

Las nuevas imágenes permitirán a los científicos continuar su investigación sin tocar la lona, así como utilizar nuevas técnicas de la restauración en el modelo de 3D, antes de aplicarla al retrato verdadero, dijeron Taylor.

La tecnología canadiense de cámara se ha utilizado para escudriñar previamente la estatua el “David” de Miguel Angel y otras pinturas de artistas como Renoir y Corot. Se utilizó también la técnica de 3D para crear la animación para la película de Hollywood tales como la trilogía de Jackson de Peter "El Señor de los Anillos" e igualmente en la placa madre del trasbordador espacial de la NASA, el Atlántida, para examinar el estado cambiante del calor de sus mosaicos durante la misión espacial. (Fuente : AFP )

Ver:

LA MONA LISA

Incluso en algunos museos sólo se exponen copias (algunas muy buenas) de la Mona Lisa para proteger el original:

Ver el asunto de las copias

the Problems of Globalization

How to Solve the Problems of Globalization
Joseph Stiglitz and Evo Morales offer differing views

Ronda Hauben

As part of its 2006 World Leader's Forum, Columbia University hosted two programs which demonstrate that there are two significant but opposing models for economic development. One was with Columbia Professor Joseph Stiglitz, and the other with the President of Bolivia, Evo Morales.

The first program, held on Tuesday, Sept. 19, was a talk by Stiglitz about his new book, Making Globalization Work. Stiglitz is an economics and business professor at Columbia, who shared the 2001 Nobel Prize in Economics. In his talk about his new book, he describes how globalization is what he calls "market fundamentalism." This is a way of referring to the belief of the proponents of globalization that if left unimpeded, the market will solve all economic problems.

Stiglitz acknowledges that globalization is currently not working. That countries and regions of the world are becoming poorer, rather than benefiting from the removal of regulations and the lowering of corporate taxation that make up key elements of the program of globalization. Stiglitz does not see the problem, however, as a flaw in the globalization itself, but only in how it is being implemented. He proposes that the winners have not yet found a way that is "fair" to carry out their program.

Stiglitz blames the problems he outlines on the fact that the political program has lagged behind the economic. In his talk he briefly proposed some changes in policy. He warned that unless there are changes, those benefiting from globalization will see increased opposition.

Three other panelists supplemented the program, praising Stiglitz's book and giving their views on globalization. One of the panelists was George Soros.

Soros, a financier, pointed out that Stiglitz had failed to consider the impact of globalization on workers. While capital moves to where there is little or no taxation or regulation, workers have no comparable opportunity to move to, for example, a nation or region where there is strict regulation enforcing good labor conditions. Soros blamed the political leaders for allowing the abuse of workers in their countries. He failed to mention, however, that international agreements which promote the economic policies of globalization strip national entities of their ability to provide local protection.

What Stiglitz and the others who spoke at the forum promoting his book failed to acknowledge, is that the economic policies being carried out in the name of globalization empower large corporations which already have much wealth and power. These are entities which do not recognize any social obligation. The very restrictions and political obligations that the corporations seek to have removed are often the institutional processes that were created to contain their unbridled political and economic power.

Little time was available for questions from the audience. Instead extended responses from several of the panelists to a few questions used up the time that was supposed to be available for a substantial question and answer period.

No critic of globalization had been invited to be part of the program. Only those who agreed with Stiglitz's contention that minor reforms would solve the problems he outlined were invited to be part of the program discussing his book.

Oh Thursday, Sept. 21, Evo Morales gave a talk at Columbia. When Morales entered the auditorium, many people who were in the audience stood and applauded. He began his talk by thanking the audience for their warm reception. He explained how in his career as a union official in Bolivia, he had been the target of criticism from U.S. government officials. The U.S. embassy even tried to persuade Bolivians not to vote for Morales. He had not expected to find support from the American people. He explained that the warm greeting he was accorded filled him with great emotion. "I thank you very much for this reception," he told his audience.

In his talk, he described a model which provides a striking contrast to the one proposed by Stiglitz. Morales outlined how prior to his winning the presidency of Bolivia, a small minority of the population controlled the wealth and resources in his country. Bolivia is a small country, still it was listed as one of the most corrupt countries in an international survey. This corruption, he pointed out, was at the top of the power structure. Convened after Morales' election, a constituent assembly is drafting a new constitution. The vast majority of people, he explained, were excluded from having any say in the earlier constitution created for Bolivia.

Morales outlined the social program being carried out to improve the lives of the Bolivian people. An example he gave was that students have been given support to go voluntarily to poorer areas in Bolivia to provide education in literacy for the population. He explained how one third of the people didn't have legal papers and so couldn't vote or participate in other ways within Bolivian society. He was working to remedy this situation. Also 33,000 people had been able to have eye operations which would have previously cost $1000 each. Though there had been a question about whether to limit access to these free medical procedures to the poor, a decision was made to make the operations available to anyone who needed one. Morales stressed that the indigenous culture is not one that excludes anyone but is one which is inclusive, welcoming all to participate in an equal way.

A serious problem Morales discussed was the problem of cutting back the coca production in Bolivia. Another South American country, Columbia, spent billions of dollars trying to force restrictions on how much coca was produced without success. Morales argued that any successful program would have to be voluntary. Also, he defended the legal use of the coca plant, as a food and for chewing. The illegal use of the plant, to produce cocaine, however, is actively opposed.

The model of society that Morales outlined is a social model, with active programs by the government to improve the economic and political conditions of the Bolivian people. Attention is paid to remedy the harm suffered by large segments of the population in the past because of their exclusion from the benefits of the society.

Morales has also carried out some land reform, handing out state-owned land to agricultural workers. Some 2,300 new land titles were distributed, making a total of 9,600 square miles of land distributed as part of the land reform. Also, 50 tractors have been distributed to impoverished peasants. Morales' plan to redistribute privately held land which is not being used, which was acquired by illegal means, or which is used for speculation, has not yet been approved by the Bolivian Senate.

After he was elected President, Morales nationalized the Bolivian oil and gas reserves, explaining to the companies developing them that they would be guaranteed a profit, but not a windfall. Morales welcomed them as partners but not as bosses of his country. The money earned from these activities, he explained, has been put toward increasing social programs for the Bolivian people.

Morales is the first indigenous president in Bolivia. He estimates that the composition of the Bolivian population is 80 percent, whether they acknowledge it or not, indigenous people. In Bolivia, Morales argues, the neoliberal model does not work. An economic and political program with a social purpose is needed to address the hundreds of years of harm most people in Bolivia have suffered all the time that the wealth and resources of the countries has been in the hands of a small sector of the population who were only interested in their own self-enrichment.

Stiglitz would do well to recognize that the globalization model has a deep internal contradiction. This neoliberal model is one where powerful and wealthy interests are able to extend their wealth and power. Stiglitz's solution to the flaws of globalization is that these very interests voluntarily agree to put in place new restrictions on their increasingly unbridled power. This is fundamentally in opposition to the very program of globalization, which has been to remove all restriction on their wealth and power. The Bolivian model is an alternative model. It recognizes the need for an economic and political program to not only stop the current abuse, but also to address the impoverishment and corruption of hundreds of years.

OHMYNEWS
KOREA

Cuba está en una encrucijada

Cuba está en una encrucijada
¿Socialismo o Democracia Social ?

Sacerdote Jesuita
Luis Ugalde
UCAB

Para Marx el socialismo es abundancia y prosperidad y se construye sobre el capitalismo más desarrollado. Lenín, por el contrario, lo implantó en uno de los países más atrasado de Europa.

Al comienzo de los años treinta cuando el mundo capitalista experimentó su gran depresión, parecía darle la razón a Lenín si se comparaba el desarrollo de la Unión Soviética con los problemas que presentaba el capitalismo al comienzo del año de 1929.

Lo mismo pensaron Mao apoyado en su partido comunista y muchos de otros partidos similares en África, Asia y América Latina. Pero todo esto ya ha pasado, pues ni Rusia y sus satélites, ni China, aun con su fuerte partido comunista, no son economías socialitas, ni las añoran.

En Cuba con medio siglo de poder absoluto de Castro y su partido comunista no han producido un aceptable desarrollo y bienestar económico; incluso, hay graves retrocesos en los últimos 15 años. Sin estímulos a la productividad y a la iniciativa empresarial, sin libertades básicas, la economía cubana es un fracaso estrepitoso que sobrevivió por el subsidio soviético y recientemente por la inversión en turismo de las grandes trasnacionales europeas y ahora por la ayuda proselitista de los petrodólares venezolanos.

En Cuba no existe un modelo económico para salir de la pobreza. Hace 25 años un funcionario cubano había confesado con sinceridad que : “ el gobierno supo poner el primer piso de la revolución, pero no sabe cómo construir el segundo piso.”. Luego de 25 años en el poder no podían dejar los espantosos racionamientos de comida, ni la penuria ni la pobreza.

El primer piso de la revolución fue elevar la moral del pueblo frente al bloqueo económico de USA y la construcción de un sistema de educación, salud ,deporte y seguridad para el país. Pero el segundo piso que hubiese sido promover una pujante economía de mercado con incentivos a la inversión pública y privada, acompañada de una libertad para buscar opciones de elevad productividad y tecnología nunca llegó en Cuba.

Al fracasar la economía colectivista en la Unión Soviética y en China, estos países hicieron su “perestroyca”, al darle importancia al capitalismo de la economía mixta, aunque el partido gubernamental mantenga el poder y el control político. Este enfoque también ha sido aceptado por la República Socialista de Viet Nam.

Ni en Unión Soviética ni en China, después de 50 años de adoctrinamiento, no apareció “ el hombre nuevo” libre del comportamiento natural de todo ser humano, que sólo existe en el mito comunista.

Cuba está en una encrucijada. Hoy la pobreza material es grande y los controles son absolutos. La gente está vigilada por lo que eufemísticamente se llama “el control social” del único partido. El régimen censura lo que pueda dañar la imagen de su acción de gobierno; por esto controla el uso del Internet y sólo se permite leer el periódico del partido comunista. Estos controles van en contra de la naturaleza humana.

Por ejemplo, la economía tiene su propio motor que mueve el instinto humano para buscar su propio bienestar combinado con la creatividad. El peligro del “capitalismo salvaje” es convertir a los seres humanos en simples factores de la producción e imponer como suprema ley el interés de los más fuertes. Por eso, la democracia social se basa en una autoridad pública con moral, con instituciones, con solidaridad, combinando el logro personal con el interés común.

Las grandes revoluciones tuvieron sus etapas de grandes utopías y de heroísmos, pero luego descubren sus limitaciones y sus miserias (sus locuras). De la Revolución Francesa se apoderó un emperador que agotó a su país hasta llevarlo a la guerra, pero luego vino la restauración y así pasó con otras revoluciones. Entrar en esa trampa mortal es simplemente un capricho reaccionario de no aprender de la historia.

Cuba y todos los países de América Latina necesitan de un cambio profundo para toda su población y en la búsqueda de un desarrollo humano superior que comience a combatir la pobreza.Tenemos la necesidad de buscar otro modelo que no sea el comunismo.

Cuba is in a crossroads.
Socialism or social democracy?

For Marx the socialism is abundance and prosperity as long as it is built on the capitalism most developed one. Lenín, on the contrary, established it in one of the most backward countries of Europe.

At early thirties when the capitalist world experienced its great depression, seemed to give the reason to Lenín if was compared the development of the Soviet Union with the problems that presented the capitalism one al beginning of the year of 1929.

The same thing thought Mao supported in its communist party and many of other similar parties in Africa, Asia and Latin America. But all this already has passed, therefore neither Russia and their satellites, neither Chinese, even with their strong communist party, are not economies socialitas, neither they yearn or miss for them.

In Cuba with 50 years of absolute power this country have not produced an acceptable development and economic welfare; even, there are serious backward movements in the last 15 years. Without stimuli to the productivity and to the business initiative, without basic liberties, the Cuban economy is a spectacular failure that survived for the Soviet subsidy and recently by the investment in tourism of the large transnational European and now by the propaganda aid of the Venezuelan petrodollars.

In Cuba there is not an economic model to leave the poverty. 25 years ago a Cuban official had confessed with sincerity that: "The government knew to put the first flat of the revolution, but does not know how to build the second flat.". After 25 years in the power the government has not been able to leave the frightful rationings of food, neither has been able to stop the poverty.

The first flat of the revolution was to elevate the morale of the population to fight the economic blockade of USA and the construction of a system of education, health, sport and security for the country. But the second flat that had been to promote a booming market economy with incentives to the private and public investment, accompanied by a liberty to seek options and elevate productivity and technology never arrived in Cuba.

The state economy in the Soviet Union and in China fails, then those countries did its "migratory", and those countries give a lot of importance al capitalism of the mixed economy, although the governmental party maintain the power and the political control. This focus has also been accepted for the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam.

Neither in Soviet Union neither in China, after 50 years of indoctrination, did not appear "the new man", free of the natural behavior of every human being, that only exists in the communist myth.

Cuba is in a crossroads.Today the material poverty is large and the controls are absolute. The people is watched for which euphemistically is called "the social control" of the only party. The state reproof what can damage the image of its action of government; by this controls the use of the Internet and only is permitted to read the newspaper of the communist party. These controls go against the human nature.

For example, the economy has its own motor that moves the human instinct to seek its own welfare combined with the creativity. The danger of the " wild capitalism" is to convert the human beings in simple factors of the production and to impose as supreme law the interest of the strongest. Therefore, the social democracy is based on a public authority with morale, with institutions, with solidarity, combining the personal achievement with the common interest.

The large revolutions had their phases of big utopias and of heroisms, but then they discover their limitations and their miseries (their follys). For example, the French Revolution was empowered an emperor that exhausted to their country to carrying it to the war, but then he came the restoration and thus he passed with other revolutions. Taking the road of that mortal trap is simply a reactionary whim of learn not of the history.

Cuba and all the countries of Latin America need a deep change for all their population and in the search of an upper human development that comience to fight the poverty.have the need to seek another model that do not be the communism.