Angus Reid Global Monitor
Brazil - Alckmin forces Lula into run-off
October 29, 2006
Credit: Flag courtesy of ITA’s Flags of All Countries used with permission.
Election Date: October 29, 2006
At Stake: President, National Congress
Background
The largest and most populous country in the Americas, Brazil boasts a unique cultural and environmental demographic. Accounting for 14 per cent of the world’s renewable fresh water reserves and the world’s largest rainforest, its population is diverse—divided into six major ethnicities—and urban.
Indigenous Brazilians are thought to be descendants of migrants who crossed the Bering Land Bridge around 9000 BC eventually reaching the southern cone and Brazil some 3000 years later. At the time of European discovery, indigenous Brazilians were represented by a large number of nations diverse in language and culture.
Discovered by Portuguese explorer Pedro Alvares Cabral in 1500, the indigenous population was first devastated by disease and then enslaved. It is thought that most of the 2,000 nations that existed at colonization died out in this first period. Lacking a readily accessible indigenous population, the Portuguese began to import slaves from Africa in 1550, only abolishing the practice in 1888.
Administered from Lisbon until 1808, Rio de Janeiro became the centre of Portuguese royalty after Dom Joao VI and his family fled Napoleon’s army. His son declared Brazil independent in 1822, naming himself Emperor Dom Pedro I. The family ruled until 1889 when a military coup led by Deodoro da Fonseca deposed the Emperor.
A constitutional republic between 1889 and 1930, the presidency alternated between Sao Paulo and Minas Gerais—dominant states at the time—until a revolt installed Getulio Vargas as dictator.
Overthrown by a military coup in 1945, Vargas was later reinstalled as president via elections in 1951 but with heavy opposition and pressure to resign or again be deposed, he committed suicide in 1954.
The next six years saw rapid economic reform and growth under the leadership of Juscelino Kubitschek. His successor, Janio Quadros—elected in 1961—spiraled the country into crisis by resigning after just one month. Political instability escalated with Quadros’ successor, vice-president Joao Goulart, fleeing into exile after a military coup in 1964. The ensuing 10-year dictatorial regime eased only in 1974 with general Ernesto Geisel, whose reforms reestablished elections and allowed limited political freedoms.
The 1980’s introduced a decade of political, economic and social turmoil: Brazil defaulted on its foreign debt—one of the worlds largest—in 1982. In 1985, the country elected its first civilian president in 21 years, Tancredo Neves, who died shortly after being elected. Inflation spiraled out of control reaching 300 per cent in 1985 and 1,500 per cent in 1991, despite fiscal reform, price freezes and the introduction of free market policies.
Alleviating inflation but implementing restrictive policies on land distribution and indigenous land claims, Fernando Henrique Cardoso’s tenure as president was somewhat controversial in its approach to indigenous issues. The rise of the Landless Workers Movement (MST) introduced an organized force that in March 2002 occupied Cardoso’s family ranch and began to make international news.
With poverty, social reform and indigenous issues leading the political debate, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva led the first left-wing government into power in 40 years. A union leader and former shoe-shine boy, Lula began his first term in 2002 promising to address poverty, crime, and hunger. Despite some trepidation regarding fiscal management, Lula’s presidency surprised critics with its orthodox approach in achieving economic stability.
Seeking another term in office, Lula’s campaign has been marked by corruption allegations. Leaders of the Worker’s Party (PT) have been accused of making illegal campaign donations to coalition partners to secure their support. The hard gains won by Lula and the PT are being tested in the lead-up to the 2006 elections.
2006 President and National Congress Election
In June 2005, allegations of corruption were made public by Roberto Jefferson, leader of the Brazilian Labour Party (PTB) and member of the governing coalition. Although himself accused of heading a bribe network, Jefferson claimed that the PTB was offered but refused bribes to secure their ongoing support for Lula’s Worker’s Party (PT).
On Aug. 12, Lula made a public apology to the nation for the corruption scandal through a televised speech. In asking for forgiveness, he said, "I feel betrayed by unacceptable practices of which I knew nothing. (…) I haven’t changed and I’m certain that the same anger I feel is shared by the population."
Although leading in the polls, Lula’s popularity fluctuated with ongoing revelations around the corruption scandal. An October survey by Datafolha gave Lula the support of 30 per cent of voters in the first round, down from 34 per cent in July.
In October 2005, Brazilian voters rejected a ban on the sale of firearms, despite having the highest death rate from gun violence in the world. However, as noted by the ‘No’ campaigners—who were supported by 64 per cent of all voters—the majority of guns are acquired through the black market and not by legal means.
In November 2005, United States president George W. Bush made a one-day trip to Brazil. The close and amicable relations between the two countries have surprised some, but point to recognition in the U.S. that Brazil is an important ally in a region moving increasingly to the left.
In December 2005, Brazil announced that it would pay off its entire $15.5 billion U.S. debt to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) two years ahead of schedule. Borrowed in 2002 to save the country from defaulting on its external debt, Brazil’s strong economic performance since has enabled the early repayment.
As a result of the corruption scandal brought against Lula’s PT, 11 deputies have been brought before expulsion hearings with two standing down before the process began so that they are able to run in the upcoming election.
Approval ratings for Lula stabilized and increased in a February 2006 Datafolha poll against prospective rivals Jose Serra and Geraldo Alckmin of the Brazilian Party of Social Democracy (PSDB). At one stage trailing Serra in the polls, Lula picked up six points to reach 39 per cent, with Serra at 31 per cent. Against Alckmin, Lula maintained a 26-point advantage.
The presidential election is scheduled for Oct. 1. If no candidate garners more than 50 per cent of all cast ballots, a run-off will take place on Oct. 29.
On Mar. 14, Alckmin was named as the PSDB’s presidential nominee. In his acceptance speech, Alckmin declared, "Brazil can no longer take this wave of corruption, and remain a country without a real project and with a very poor economic growth."
On Mar. 20, Alckmin proposed a "Chilean-style alliance" in order to defeat Lula in the election, declaring, "The opposition parties have a respectful relationship, and it is up to us to see if we can see this coalition come to fruition." Party of the Liberal Front (PFL) member Jorge Bornhausen agreed with the idea, adding, "We must stop this incompetent government that has been weak in dealing with corruption."
On Apr. 11, Brazilian attorney general Antonio Fernando de Souza delivered his report on the corruption scandal. The document claims the PT created a "sophisticated criminal organization" to buy the political support of other parties.
PT member Jose Dirceu—who tendered his resignation as Lula’s chief of staff after the scandal broke in June 2005—once again dismissed any wrongdoing, saying, "There were no bribes, the investigating commission has it all wrong and has no proof."
On Apr. 13, former president Itamar Franco announced he would seek the PMDB’s nomination, saying, "Garotinho and myself have different methods, but we both want the PMDB to have a single candidate." Franco governed the country from October 1992 to January 1995, after the suspension of Fernando Collor de Mello.
On Apr. 16, institutional relations minister Tarso Genro complained about the performance of the opposition, declaring, "The attacks on the current president have no parallel in the history of Brazil, not even during the tenure of Getulio Vargas. The government is under siege."
Polls released in April by IBPS, Datafolha and Sensus put Lula ahead with at least 40 per cent, followed by Alckmin with a high of 31 per cent.
On Apr. 30, Lula said the country’s finances can withstand more public spending, saying, "Today we can invest more because we created conditions for that, but without putting in danger our fiscal balance and control over inflation."
Poll released in May by IBPS, Datafolha and Instituto Sensus placed Lula as the frontrunner, with the support of more than 40 per cent of voters.
On May 23, Lula predicted that Brazil would become "the biggest energy player in the planet," adding, "We have become self-sufficient, in two years we will produce most of the natural gas we consume, and we are the most competitive nation in the areas of ethanol and bio-diesel."
On May 25, Lula discussed trade during a meeting with French president Jacques Chirac in Brasilia, saying, "We want to find a common denominator, fair and balanced, that allows for ambitious results at the Doha round talks to benefit especially the poor countries and that strengthens multilateralism." The Brazilian president also announced an association to develop "an international ethanol market and to disseminate technology for the production of biofuels in Africa and the Caribbean."
On May 27, Helena officially launched her presidential bid. In her acceptance speech, the senator urged her supporters to fight the "betrayal" of Lula, who expelled her from the PT after she criticized the government. Helena picked economist Carlos Benjamin—another former PT member—as her running mate.
In May, magazine Veja and newspaper O Globo reported alleged irregularities in Garotinho’s campaign finances. The PMDB contender denied the reports, went on a hunger strike and alleged a conspiracy to prevent him from becoming a presidential candidate. In the end, the party could opt to support Lula’s candidacy.
On May 29, the Party of the Liberal Front (PFL) finalized an alliance with the PSDB. The accord includes the nomination of PFL senator Jose Jorge as Alckmin’s running mate.
On Jun. 11, Alckmin vowed to reduce taxes in the South American nation, saying, "I am committed to send Congress a project on the first week of my mandate, to simplify the fiscal system, stimulate investment and increase efficiency. Last year in Latin America, Brazil only grew more than Haiti, a small country devastated by war."
In June, Alckmin’s running mate Jorge said a PSDB-led government would close several ministries to cut spending, adding, "Our administrative structure will be much smaller. We need to shrink the size of the public sector in order to cut public costs."
On Jun. 26, Lula officially launched his candidacy in Brasilia. The president declared, "I am here to tell you that I have humbly decided to submit my name and my government to the judgment of my Brazilian brothers." Current vice-president Jose Alencar will once again be Lula’s running mate.
On Jul. 10, Alckmin criticized Lula’s relationship with other leftist governments in South America, saying, "If elected, I will not sacrifice the country’s interests for the interests of a particular party."
In an interview published on Jul. 13 in the Financial Times, Lula discussed the nationalization of Bolivia’s oil and gas industry—which is expected to affect some Brazilian companies—saying, "The Brazilian conservative right wanted us to start a war with Bolivia. I preferred to negotiate and start looking for a solution. I never was nervous about the crisis. We need each other. Bolivia needs to sell gas to Brazil and Brazil needs to buy gas from Bolivia."
On Jul. 13, Lula vowed to continue taking care of Brazil’s workers, saying, "For us, social policy and economic policy are two sides of the same coin. Millions of Brazilians have left poverty behind during my government, and have joined the middle class."
Polls conducted in late June and early July by Vox Populi, Instituto Sensus and Datafolha put Lula in first place, but below the 45 per cent-mark.
On Jul. 21, Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez jokingly endorsed Lula during a conference in Caracas, saying, "I cannot voice anything because they accuse me of interfering in a country’s internal affairs. Lula win! Lula win!" The Brazilian president replied, "We must remember that (Chávez) has more time than me to campaign, because he speaks twice as much as I do."
On Aug. 1, Lula hinted at establishing a constituent assembly during his second term, saying, "I’m quite fond of the idea. I have doubts that the National Congress can approve political reforms that meet the expectations of society." Alckmin disagreed with the president, declaring, "It does not make sense."
On Aug. 11, Lula acknowledged in a televised interview that he asked chief of staff Jose Dirceu and finance minister Antonio Palocci to tender their resignations, saying, "I asked Dirceu and Palocci, and other public servants, to step aside, and I will keep doing so. (…) This does not tarnish the image of the PT, but only the image of a few people."
On Aug. 14, the candidates participated in a televised debate. Lula was not present. Helena criticized the president, saying, "I cannot accept his arrogance, nor the fact that he think is he is better than the other candidates, which he is not. He fled the debate. He was scared to debate."
On Aug. 18, Alckmin criticized Lula’s relationship with other leftist South American administrations, saying, "Brazil should not become subject to the interests of others. My government will defend the interests of Brazil."
On Aug. 23, Buarque—a former PT member—expressed concerns over the possibility of a first round victory for Lula, declaring, "If he wins outright, he will be able to start governing beyond Congress, and dealing directly with the people. Lula could end up using his charisma, aided by a weak Congress, to rule by decree."
On Aug. 29, Alckmin presented a new set of television advertisements that question Lula’s commitment to legality. The spots claim that the government "has never taken so much money from the hands of Brazilians," and asks: "Have you stopped to think about the harm corruption does to the country?"
On Aug. 30, former Brazilian president Fernando Henrique Cardoso criticized Lula, saying, "He has taken Brazil to its lowest ethical and moral level in history. (...) He has changed, and now is doing everything he fought against when he was a union leader."
On Aug. 31, Lula expressed confidence in his reform plans, saying, "I’m not sure if we will be able to achieve all that needs to be done, but it will not be due to lack of effort, commitment and loyalty to the principles that made us reach the presidency. If we can’t deliver, it will be because of extraterrestrial factors."
Also on Aug. 31, Helena presented a television spot, which questions why Lula is leading in the polls. Helena appears on the ad, saying, "I cannot believe that the honest Brazilian people would elect political bandits."
Polls conducted in late August by Ibope, Datafolha, Instituto Sensus, Vox Populi and Zogby International placed Lula as the frontrunner, with the support of at least 49 per cent of respondents.
On Sept. 6, Lula criticized the opposition, saying, "There are people who make a serious campaign, and there are others who choose to make a despicable campaign. (...) Democracy sometimes has these things that make us anxious, that make us angry, but we have to know how to face them."
On Sept. 7, Helena harshly criticized the president, saying, "Lula is a gangster who heads a criminal organization capable of stealing, killing, defaming and eliminating any person who threatens their project."
In August, Alckmin referred to the recent inclusion of Venezuela as a full member of the common trade block of southern South American countries known as Mercosur, saying, "No one doubts the importance of Venezuela, but we should verify several things. We defend a market-driven economy and now we have a president (Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez) who vows for a different type of economic model." Alckmin also said he was confident the presidential election would be defined in a run-off, declaring, "I have no doubt there will be a second round, and then candidate Lula won’t have the chance to run away."
On Sept. 8, former president and PSDB member Fernando Henrique Cardoso criticized his own party for "failing to be tough enough in denouncing the corruption" in Lula’s government, adding, "While we may not win, we have the moral duty to remain vigilant."
On Sept. 13, Alckmin, Helena and Buarque took part in a televised debate. Alckmin criticized Lula for failing to show up, saying, "It’s a pity that candidate Lula, who made enormous promises four years ago, most of which haven’t been fulfilled, and who had five cabinet members indicted or charged by police, didn’t come to the debate just so that he won’t have to explain these issues."
Polls conducted in September by Datafolha and Ibope suggested a first round victory for Lula.
On Sept. 15, lawyer Gedimar Passos was arrested in Sao Paulo in possession of $790,000 U.S. in cash. Passos, who works for Lula’s campaign, allegedly was going to use the money to acquire documents that would implicate two PSDB members—Alckmin and Serra—in a corruption case.
On Sept. 18, Lula discussed the situation, saying, "As president, I can do just one thing: order a full investigation to discover, regardless who may be hurt, all those who are involved."
On Sept. 21, Lula dismissed allegations that his party was involved in dirty campaign practices, saying, "Why would my campaign be interested in such business? I’m in a highly favourable position. It’s not part of my political past—and I’ve done four elections—to dig through people’s lives in order to campaign."
On Sept. 22, Lula said he was not concerned about recent criticism, declaring, "It’s the Brazilian people who will judge me. If the Brazilian people give us a second term, we will give the economy much more solidity and will make things work much better."
On Sept. 25, Helena challenged Lula to participate in the final televised debate, scheduled for Sept. 28, saying, "I hope that Lula comes down from his putrid throne of corruption, arrogance and cowardice. The president may look great in the campaign events, but he has not been willing to meet face to face with the other candidates."
Also on Sept. 25, Lula predicted a first round victory, saying, "If anyone thinks the election will reach the run-off, they will have to wait for 2010, because this election will be finalized on Sunday. I never said I would win on the first round out of modesty, out of respect, but I want you to know that we will win on Sunday."
On Sept. 27, arrest warrants were issued against six PT members in connection with the alleged plot to implicate two Alckmin and Serra in a corruption case. Buarque declared, "If the federal police does not clear this before these people can be captured, it will lose credibility and Brazilians will be left with the impression that it has been manipulated because of the election."
On Sept. 28, the campaign officially drew to a close. Lula declared, "Four years ago, we found a country in crisis that is very different now. If with problems and lack of experience we were able to do so much, think of what we’ll be able to accomplish now." Alckmin urged voters to support him, so he can "wipe out corruption" and deliver a government "with its feet on the ground, its eyes on the future and its heart on those who need the most."
Polls released in late September by Vox Populi, Datafolha, Instituto Sensus, Ibope and Zogby International suggested a first round victory for Lula.
Voting took place on Oct. 1. Incumbent president Luis Inacio Lula da Silva of the Worker’s Party (PT) got 48.61 per cent of the vote, while PSDB candidate Geraldo Alckmin received 41.64 per cent. Since no contender garnered more than 50 per cent of all cast ballots, a run-off was scheduled for Oct. 29.
As he was voting early on Sunday near Sao Paulo, Lula declared, "The country has to continue growing. (...) The life of the people has to continue improving." After hearing the good news of his performance in the ballot, Alckmin said, "Brazil can be better. It can have an ethical government."
Political Players
President: Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (PT)
The president is elected by popular vote to a four-year term.
Legislative branch: The bicameral Congresso Nacional (National Congress) has two chambers. The Camara dos Deputados (Chamber of Deputies) has 513 members, elected to four-year terms by proportional representation. The Senado Federal (Federal Senate) has 81 members, elected to eight-year terms—with one third elected after a four-year period, and two thirds elected after the next four-year period.
miércoles, octubre 04, 2006
Economía y Política
El enlace de arriba trata ,en su sección de publicaciones, varios artículos sobre la economía y su relación con la política. Vale la pena leer el artículo de Mark Weibrot and Luis Sandoval sobre la elección en Brasil y los asuntos económicos de ese país. Es interesante porque se parte de la hipótesis de que el voto de Heloisa Helena le restó a Lula el 6,85% que habría votado por el Presidente-Candidato y que además el crecimiento per capita de PIB (a valor real) en estos ultimos años, o sea 2000-2005, en Brasil ha sido muy bajo (3,5%) cuando había logrado el 8% entre los años 1980-2000. Y ello tiene repercusión en la campaña.
Y casi lo mismo fue en América Latina como Región. En cambio entre loa años 1960-1980 la región creció en un 82% (4,1% al año en promedio). pero Barsil había crecido en esos 20 años al 6,15% en promedio. Pero el asunto es que el crecimiento no señala que ha habido una buena distribución de la riqueza, pues en Brasil y también en Venezuela sigue el 50% de gente muy pobre e incluso en Brasil esos pobres tienen que vivir con US$ 1,50 diario o sea con una entrada al mes de apenas 45 dólares (Bs. 96.750), el 19% menos del sueldo mínimo de Venezuela de US$ 230 al mes.
The upper link treats, in its section of publications, various articles on the economy and its relation with the politics. Is worth while to read the article of Mark Weibrot and Luis Sandoval on the election in Brazil and the economic matters of that country. It is interesting because splits of the hypothesis that the vote of Heloisa Helena could be votes for Lula and that besides the growth per capital of GDP (to real value) in these ultimos years, that is to say 2000-2005, in Brazil has been very low (3,5%) when had achieved the 8% among the years 1980-2000.
And almost the same thing was in Latin America as Region. On the other hand among praises years 1960-1980 the region grew in a 82% (4,1% al year on the average). but Barsil had grown in those 20 years al 6,15% on the average. But the matter is that the growth does not indicate that there has been a good distribution of the wealth, therefore in Brazil and also in Venezuela continues the 50% of very poor people and even in Brazil those poor have to live with US$ 1,50 newspaper that is to say with an entrance al month of barely 45 dollars (Bs. 96.750), the 19% less than the most minimum salary of Venezuela of US$ 230 al month.
Y casi lo mismo fue en América Latina como Región. En cambio entre loa años 1960-1980 la región creció en un 82% (4,1% al año en promedio). pero Barsil había crecido en esos 20 años al 6,15% en promedio. Pero el asunto es que el crecimiento no señala que ha habido una buena distribución de la riqueza, pues en Brasil y también en Venezuela sigue el 50% de gente muy pobre e incluso en Brasil esos pobres tienen que vivir con US$ 1,50 diario o sea con una entrada al mes de apenas 45 dólares (Bs. 96.750), el 19% menos del sueldo mínimo de Venezuela de US$ 230 al mes.
The upper link treats, in its section of publications, various articles on the economy and its relation with the politics. Is worth while to read the article of Mark Weibrot and Luis Sandoval on the election in Brazil and the economic matters of that country. It is interesting because splits of the hypothesis that the vote of Heloisa Helena could be votes for Lula and that besides the growth per capital of GDP (to real value) in these ultimos years, that is to say 2000-2005, in Brazil has been very low (3,5%) when had achieved the 8% among the years 1980-2000.
And almost the same thing was in Latin America as Region. On the other hand among praises years 1960-1980 the region grew in a 82% (4,1% al year on the average). but Barsil had grown in those 20 years al 6,15% on the average. But the matter is that the growth does not indicate that there has been a good distribution of the wealth, therefore in Brazil and also in Venezuela continues the 50% of very poor people and even in Brazil those poor have to live with US$ 1,50 newspaper that is to say with an entrance al month of barely 45 dollars (Bs. 96.750), the 19% less than the most minimum salary of Venezuela of US$ 230 al month.
lunes, octubre 02, 2006
Who has in his hands the re-election of Lula?
Brazil: Reelecting the President
An alliance with Buarque will give Lula the majority needed to win
Alfredo Ascanio (askain)
Published 2006-10-04 13:42 (KST)
The second round of elections in Brazil may be quarreled over as recently happened in Mexico. But if Luiz Inacio Lulá da Silva obtained 48.63 percent of the votes and Cristovam Buarque 2.65 percent, then an alliance between them would give Lula 51.28 percent, which would be sufficient for him to be reelected president of Brazil.
Heloisa Helena will not give her votes (6.85 percent) to Lula for two basic reasons: (1) because she was expelled from Lulá's Workers' Party (PT), and (2) because being the alternative candidate for the left (to Lulá), she would not be able to negotiate with Geraldo Alckmin, who is considered a social democrat of the Brazilian right.
Buarque was first the rector of the University of Brasilia, then governor of the capital (Federal District), and finally a minister under Lula. He was disappointed with Lula's poor educational policies and other projects and left the PT. His Democratic Labor Party can negotiate with his 2.65 percent, but surely with the condition that his educational projects and other projects be accepted finally by Lulá's party.
I began to analyze all the books published by Buarque, and I am going to intersperse some concepts and ideas that this economist and politician formed in one of the better French universities in the '90s.
I will begin by citing the main ideas from The Revolution of the Priorities (technical modernity and ethical modernity). Buarque says that although a stable distribution between salaries and business benefits is a good aspiration, the invisible hand of the market cannot solve the high priority global problem of poverty.
Civil society's main role is its own future development so that the population can be consolidated as a nation with its own ethical values (a homogeneous assembly of principles and of interests). The three essential values for progress in Brazil are (1) democracy with sovereignty, (2) social integration and (3) raising the quality of life for all.
In The Collapse of the Brazilian Modernity, Buarque asked why economic growth has not been able to solve the problem of poverty?
Even after continuous economic growth, the country is faced with a well-known truth, that for every 1,000 Brazilians born, barely 90 of them transcend the difficulties of their situation and are able to survive and be educated to the second degree of grade school. Besides, almost 100 million people live in poverty. And 20 million of them are indigent people.
The country has privileged an archaic modernism that must be changed, charged with new objectives. The future depends on a population that is healthy, competent and content.
In The Revolution of the Left and the Invention of Brazil, Buarque recalls that Brazil lives with a "social apartheid" that excludes 100 million people from the economy without even the possibility of becoming true citizens:
Due to the disorder of progress, economic growth is also impacting the natural middle and producing an ecological disaster that will not permit sustainable progress.
Brazil is considered one of the 12 gifted megadiverse countries of the world. Together, these countries shelter 70 percent of the total biodiversity of the planet. Nevertheless, 398 species of low terrestrial animals exist on the brink of extinction in Brazil, among them mammals, birds, reptiles, amphibians and insects, without counting the aquatic fauna, threatened by the construction of dams and by the pollution of rivers and coastal areas.
Besides, the indicator on the investment in research and development shows a fall in the volume of resources for the federal government from 1996 (3.6 billion reais) to 2002 (2.9 billion reais).
Brazil should invest almost 7.2 trillion reais (U.S.$2.7 billion dollars), the equivalent total gross domestic product of more than four years, to reach in 2020 the standard of living of the industrial countries. But this it is not being done.
Brazil has to generate more than 56 million new jobs in the next 15 years, that is to say 3.5 million each year, in this country of 182 million inhabitants. But the government believes this is an impossible task.
Without hardly any social investment, Brazil runs the risk of having worse socioeconomic conditions in 15 years than at the present, aggravating the difficulties of governing the country.
If the goal is to arrive at 2020 with the standard of living of rich countries like the Republic of Korea or the most advanced countries of Europe, it will be necessary to invest per year 27.6 percent of the gross domestic product.
With an annual investment of only 14.5 percent the present conditions of intermediate countries would be reached, like Greece.
What is required is a "drastic change" in present policies.
These reflections of Buarque serve to show his political thinking. As a presidential candidate, he was supported only by a little more than two million voters (2.65 percent), but that would be enough to allow Lula to continue being president.
In politics, to govern without problems, one needs dialogue and alliances. We'll see what Oct. 29 brings.
©2006 OhmyNews
Other articles by reporter Alfredo Ascanio
Quién tiene en sus manos la re-elección de Lula?
Cristovam Buarque puede hacer que Lula pase la frontera del 51%
La próxima segunda vuelta de las elecciones en Brasil serán tan reñidas como lo que sucedió recientemente en México. Si Lula obtuvo 48,63% de los votos y Cristovam Buarque el 2,65%, entonces esa alianza sumaría el 51,28%, porcentaje suficiente para que Luiz Lula Da Silva sea reelegido presidente de Brasil.
Ya se sabe que Heloísa Helena no aceptará darle a Lula su porcentaje de votos igual al 6,85% , por dos razones básicas: a) porque ella fue expulsada del partido de los trabajadores (PT), y b) porque siendo la opción de la izquierda (PSOL) no podría negociar con Alckmin que sería considerado un voto social demócrata de la derecha brasilera.
Pero Buarque, que primero fue el Rector de la Universidad de Brasilia y luego Gobernador de esa capital y Senador por el partido de Lula, para militar posteriormente en el PT, desilusionado de la pobre política educativa de Lula, entonces es evidente que su partido pueda negociar su 2,65% de sus votos, pero seguramente con la condición de que su proyecto educativo para los excluidos sociales, sea aceptado definitivamente por el partido de los trabajadores.
Yo me puse a analizar todos los libros publicados por Buarque, que conservo en mi biblioteca privada, y de esta lectura voy a intercalar algunos conceptos e ideas que este economista y político formado en una de las mejores universidades francesas, había formulado en la década de los noventa y en año 2000, sin presentar lo que dijo en su primera novela del año 1981 cuando relataba allí la resurrección del General Sánchez.
Comencemos pues con una cita extraídas de su libro : La Revolución de las Prioridades (la modernidad técnica y la modernidad ética):
“A procura de uma saída não se dará apenas por uma melhor distribuição da renda, entre salários e lucros, deixando ao mercado a solução de problemas públicos globais, através de uma revolução nas prioridades.”
En su libro : El colapso de la Modernidad Brasileira, Buarque dice lo siguiente:
“Alguns,comprometidos com a modernidade arcaica que implantaram, continuam defendo os mesmos objetivos, mudando agora os meios. Propõem mudar as técnicas para não mudar a sociedade. Fazem condomínios, para não fazer a igualdade que evitaria a violência.”
Más tarde en : La Revolución de la Izquierda y la invención del Brasil, Buarque recuerda lo siguiente:
“O Brasil vive um apartheid social, que mantém 60 milhões de pessoas alijadas do consumo, excluídas da economia e, na práctica, da cidadania”
En otro libro: El desorden del progreso, Buarque se angustiaba al decir:
“Durante a década de 70, cada vez que sobrevoava uma das grandes cidades da América Latina, como México e São Paulo, tinha a mesma sensação que alguns físicos descreveram depois de sobrevoar Hiroshima e Nagasaki, no final de 1945. Frustração ,indignação e parte da responsabilidade com a desastre ecológico que o desenvolvimento econômico estava provocando.”
Estas cuatro citas sirven para conocer el pensamiento político de un candidato presidencial ilustrado, que aunque sólo fue apoyado por un poco más de dos millones de electores (el 2,65% de los votos totales), podría orientar la balanza del candidato Lula hacia el lado en que podría seguir siendo presidente.
Esperemos entonces el día 29 de octubre próximo y vamos a ver si esta hipótesis se concreta o por el contrario no fue la que podíamos esperar.
An alliance with Buarque will give Lula the majority needed to win
Alfredo Ascanio (askain)
Published 2006-10-04 13:42 (KST)
The second round of elections in Brazil may be quarreled over as recently happened in Mexico. But if Luiz Inacio Lulá da Silva obtained 48.63 percent of the votes and Cristovam Buarque 2.65 percent, then an alliance between them would give Lula 51.28 percent, which would be sufficient for him to be reelected president of Brazil.
Heloisa Helena will not give her votes (6.85 percent) to Lula for two basic reasons: (1) because she was expelled from Lulá's Workers' Party (PT), and (2) because being the alternative candidate for the left (to Lulá), she would not be able to negotiate with Geraldo Alckmin, who is considered a social democrat of the Brazilian right.
Buarque was first the rector of the University of Brasilia, then governor of the capital (Federal District), and finally a minister under Lula. He was disappointed with Lula's poor educational policies and other projects and left the PT. His Democratic Labor Party can negotiate with his 2.65 percent, but surely with the condition that his educational projects and other projects be accepted finally by Lulá's party.
I began to analyze all the books published by Buarque, and I am going to intersperse some concepts and ideas that this economist and politician formed in one of the better French universities in the '90s.
I will begin by citing the main ideas from The Revolution of the Priorities (technical modernity and ethical modernity). Buarque says that although a stable distribution between salaries and business benefits is a good aspiration, the invisible hand of the market cannot solve the high priority global problem of poverty.
Civil society's main role is its own future development so that the population can be consolidated as a nation with its own ethical values (a homogeneous assembly of principles and of interests). The three essential values for progress in Brazil are (1) democracy with sovereignty, (2) social integration and (3) raising the quality of life for all.
In The Collapse of the Brazilian Modernity, Buarque asked why economic growth has not been able to solve the problem of poverty?
Even after continuous economic growth, the country is faced with a well-known truth, that for every 1,000 Brazilians born, barely 90 of them transcend the difficulties of their situation and are able to survive and be educated to the second degree of grade school. Besides, almost 100 million people live in poverty. And 20 million of them are indigent people.
The country has privileged an archaic modernism that must be changed, charged with new objectives. The future depends on a population that is healthy, competent and content.
In The Revolution of the Left and the Invention of Brazil, Buarque recalls that Brazil lives with a "social apartheid" that excludes 100 million people from the economy without even the possibility of becoming true citizens:
Due to the disorder of progress, economic growth is also impacting the natural middle and producing an ecological disaster that will not permit sustainable progress.
Brazil is considered one of the 12 gifted megadiverse countries of the world. Together, these countries shelter 70 percent of the total biodiversity of the planet. Nevertheless, 398 species of low terrestrial animals exist on the brink of extinction in Brazil, among them mammals, birds, reptiles, amphibians and insects, without counting the aquatic fauna, threatened by the construction of dams and by the pollution of rivers and coastal areas.
Besides, the indicator on the investment in research and development shows a fall in the volume of resources for the federal government from 1996 (3.6 billion reais) to 2002 (2.9 billion reais).
Brazil should invest almost 7.2 trillion reais (U.S.$2.7 billion dollars), the equivalent total gross domestic product of more than four years, to reach in 2020 the standard of living of the industrial countries. But this it is not being done.
Brazil has to generate more than 56 million new jobs in the next 15 years, that is to say 3.5 million each year, in this country of 182 million inhabitants. But the government believes this is an impossible task.
Without hardly any social investment, Brazil runs the risk of having worse socioeconomic conditions in 15 years than at the present, aggravating the difficulties of governing the country.
If the goal is to arrive at 2020 with the standard of living of rich countries like the Republic of Korea or the most advanced countries of Europe, it will be necessary to invest per year 27.6 percent of the gross domestic product.
With an annual investment of only 14.5 percent the present conditions of intermediate countries would be reached, like Greece.
What is required is a "drastic change" in present policies.
These reflections of Buarque serve to show his political thinking. As a presidential candidate, he was supported only by a little more than two million voters (2.65 percent), but that would be enough to allow Lula to continue being president.
In politics, to govern without problems, one needs dialogue and alliances. We'll see what Oct. 29 brings.
©2006 OhmyNews
Other articles by reporter Alfredo Ascanio
Quién tiene en sus manos la re-elección de Lula?
Cristovam Buarque puede hacer que Lula pase la frontera del 51%
La próxima segunda vuelta de las elecciones en Brasil serán tan reñidas como lo que sucedió recientemente en México. Si Lula obtuvo 48,63% de los votos y Cristovam Buarque el 2,65%, entonces esa alianza sumaría el 51,28%, porcentaje suficiente para que Luiz Lula Da Silva sea reelegido presidente de Brasil.
Ya se sabe que Heloísa Helena no aceptará darle a Lula su porcentaje de votos igual al 6,85% , por dos razones básicas: a) porque ella fue expulsada del partido de los trabajadores (PT), y b) porque siendo la opción de la izquierda (PSOL) no podría negociar con Alckmin que sería considerado un voto social demócrata de la derecha brasilera.
Pero Buarque, que primero fue el Rector de la Universidad de Brasilia y luego Gobernador de esa capital y Senador por el partido de Lula, para militar posteriormente en el PT, desilusionado de la pobre política educativa de Lula, entonces es evidente que su partido pueda negociar su 2,65% de sus votos, pero seguramente con la condición de que su proyecto educativo para los excluidos sociales, sea aceptado definitivamente por el partido de los trabajadores.
Yo me puse a analizar todos los libros publicados por Buarque, que conservo en mi biblioteca privada, y de esta lectura voy a intercalar algunos conceptos e ideas que este economista y político formado en una de las mejores universidades francesas, había formulado en la década de los noventa y en año 2000, sin presentar lo que dijo en su primera novela del año 1981 cuando relataba allí la resurrección del General Sánchez.
Comencemos pues con una cita extraídas de su libro : La Revolución de las Prioridades (la modernidad técnica y la modernidad ética):
“A procura de uma saída não se dará apenas por uma melhor distribuição da renda, entre salários e lucros, deixando ao mercado a solução de problemas públicos globais, através de uma revolução nas prioridades.”
En su libro : El colapso de la Modernidad Brasileira, Buarque dice lo siguiente:
“Alguns,comprometidos com a modernidade arcaica que implantaram, continuam defendo os mesmos objetivos, mudando agora os meios. Propõem mudar as técnicas para não mudar a sociedade. Fazem condomínios, para não fazer a igualdade que evitaria a violência.”
Más tarde en : La Revolución de la Izquierda y la invención del Brasil, Buarque recuerda lo siguiente:
“O Brasil vive um apartheid social, que mantém 60 milhões de pessoas alijadas do consumo, excluídas da economia e, na práctica, da cidadania”
En otro libro: El desorden del progreso, Buarque se angustiaba al decir:
“Durante a década de 70, cada vez que sobrevoava uma das grandes cidades da América Latina, como México e São Paulo, tinha a mesma sensação que alguns físicos descreveram depois de sobrevoar Hiroshima e Nagasaki, no final de 1945. Frustração ,indignação e parte da responsabilidade com a desastre ecológico que o desenvolvimento econômico estava provocando.”
Estas cuatro citas sirven para conocer el pensamiento político de un candidato presidencial ilustrado, que aunque sólo fue apoyado por un poco más de dos millones de electores (el 2,65% de los votos totales), podría orientar la balanza del candidato Lula hacia el lado en que podría seguir siendo presidente.
Esperemos entonces el día 29 de octubre próximo y vamos a ver si esta hipótesis se concreta o por el contrario no fue la que podíamos esperar.
El primer BLOG es del profesional de CEO y del Silicon Valley dedicado a Sun Microsystems. Y el segundo BLOG es es del hombre que creó el lenguaje de programación Java. Entonces, que más queremos ver ? Estos son extraordinarios blogs de expertos en el mundo digital. Que se deleiten con su lectura.
The first BLOG is of the professional of CEO and of the Silicon Valley dedicated to Sun Microsystems. And the second BLOG is is of the man that created the programming language Java. Then, that more we want to see? These they are extraordinary blogs of experts in the digital world. Please: delight with their reading.
viernes, septiembre 29, 2006
Dos políticos de oposición muy parecidos
Dos políticos de oposición muy parecidos
Geraldo Alckmin (Brasil) y Manuel Rosales (Venezuela)
Gerardo Alckmin un médico de clase media y de 54 de edad abandona la gobernación del Estado de Sao Paulo y luego él es el principal político opositor en la contienda con el actual presidente de Brasil Lula Da Silva. Manuel Rosales un político de carrera de 52 años de edad renuncia también a la gobernación del Estado Zulia para él ser el principal opositor al actual presidente de Venezuela Hugo Chávez.
Alckmin del partido social demócrata brasileño fue concejal, luego alcalde o intendente de la ciudad de Sao Paulo y luego diputado y gobernador de del Estado de Sao Paulo. Rosales fue del partido social demócrata venezolano, fue también concejal y alcalde de la Ciudad de Maracaibo y luego gobernador del Estado Zulia.
Estos dos políticos son calificados como personas de bajo perfil si se comparan con el protagonismo y el discurso retórico de Lula y de Chávez. Pero aunque estos dos políticos sean percibidos como personas insípidas ellos han logrado, en poco tiempo, un porcentaje de intención del voto entre el 30% y el 35% debido a sus persistencias y debido igualmente a que ellos han sabido criticar las malas políticas en temas que les interesada al elector.
Lula y Chávez están ahora con un 50% de intención de voto, pero con tendencia a bajar. Los candidatos Alckmin y Rosales están denunciando las varias fallas de sus gobiernos y los problemas graves de la elevada corrupción, el desempleo, la pobreza, la falta de oportunidades, la inseguridad y el abandono de los proyectos prometidos.
Algunos detalles son comentados en esta campaña política como el éxito de Lula y de Chávez entre la clase más pobre de la población, el creciente desinterés de la clase media y pudiente de la sociedad por ir a votar, aunque en Brasil el voto es obligatorio y en Venezuela el voto es voluntario.
Alckmin y Rosales son optimistas y quieren seguir sus campañas hasta el final (octubre y diciembre) pues ellos son trabajadores incansables y recuerdan como en situaciones también difíciles ganaron con los votos populares sus gobernaciones donde ellos han impulsado con éxito proyectos educativos , proyectos de salud y de infraestructura y también proyectos sociales.
Alckmin y Rosales son dos políticos bien vistos por los empresario y por los banqueros, porque ellos le otorgan importancia a la economía de mercado y tratan los problemas con transparencia y con diplomacia. Los programas de gobierno de estos dos políticos son muy similares. La estrategia de las campañas de estos dos candidatos es de resistencia y no de fuerza, así como sumar poder en estas campañas políticas en un momento grave de inseguridad pública.
Estos dos candidatos combaten a las instituciones mafiosas que han inflictado al Estado para desviar los fondos públicos y privilegiar el tráfico de influencia.
El compañero de fórmula de Alckmin y Rosales son José Jorge Vasconcelos Lima y Luís Borges, el primero del Partido Frente Liberal y el segundo del Partido Primero Justicia. Estos políticos son de perfil muy bajo y han dejado el protagonismo al candidato principal.
Uno de los problemas más graves en la campaña política en Brasil y en Venezuela es que los más pobres de la sociedad se dejan impresionar por el discurso emotivo y populista y tanto Lula como Chávez han sabido manipular el discurso para atraer a las masas populares a los cuales les han ofrecido un poder “virtual” y pocas soluciones reales. No obtsante, vamos a ver lo que opinan los brasileños :
La segunda vuelta el 29 de octubre será muy peleada, pues si el partido del Senador Cristovan Buarque (PDT) decide acompañar a Lula (PT) con su 2,65% de los votos, entonces Lula tendría 51,28% y pasaría la frontera para ser re-elegido. Pero si el partido de Buarque decide acompañar políticamente al candidato Alckmin entonces este llegaría a contabilizar sólo el 44,28% y no le ganaría al 48,63% de Lula. Claro que si el voto de Buarque se uniera al voto de Heloísa Helena (PSOL) entonces entre ambos sumarían 9,5%, que podía decidir cualquiera de los dos bandos, pero sabemos que el voto de Heloísa no irá hacia Lula, pues ella fue expulsada de ese partido y claro no se cuadrará con el voto de Alckmin debido a que ambos tienen idiologías políticas extremas. Buarque que si fue Gobernador de Brasilia y Senador del PT de Lula, e incluso Rector de la Universidad de Brasilia, tiene en sus manos la decisión de lo que pasará el 29 de octubre próximo.Puede negociar con Lula su proyecto educativo para las minorías o para los excluídos que ha sido su bandera política.
A Tale of Two Opposition Candidates
Brazil, Venezuelan challengers have similar backgrounds
Alfredo Ascanio (askain)
Gerardo Alckmin, a 54 year-old middle class doctor, abandons the governorship of the State of Sao Paulo and becomes the main opposition candidate in the campaign against the incumbent president of Brazil, Lula Da Silva. Manuel Rosales, a 52 year-old politician, also resigns his governorship of Zulia state to run against the present president of Venezuela, Hugo Chavez.
Alckmin, of the Social Democrat Party, was a councilman, then mayor or manager of the city of Sao Paulo, and then governor of the State of Sao Paulo. Rosales, also of the Social Democrat Party, he was likewise councilman and mayor of the City of Maracaibo and then governor of Zulia state.
These two politicians qualify as low profile if compared with the prominence and the rhetorical speech of Lula and of Chavez. But although these two politicians are perceived as uninspiring, they have achieved, in little time, a percentage of intention of the vote between 30-35 percent due to their persistence and due to voters' responsiveness to their criticism of the incumbents.
Lula and Chavez both have around 50 percent support from likely voters, but are on a downward trend. The candidates Alckmin and Rosales are denouncing the several failures of their governments and the serious problems of high corruption, unemployment, poverty, lack of opportunities, insecurity, and the abandonment of promises.
Some aspects of these political campaigns that have received comment are the popularity of Lula and Chavez among the poorest class of the population and the growing disinterest of the middle class in voting, although in Brazil voting is obligatory and in Venezuela it is voluntary.
Alckmin and Rosales are optimists and they want to continue their campaigns to the end (October and December); therefore they are tireless workers, and they recall how in similarly difficult situations they gained votes due to the success of their educational, health, infrastructure, and social projects.
Alckmin and Rosales are both well-liked by businessman and bankers, because they place importance on the market economy and treat problems with transparency and with diplomacy. Their programs are very similar. The strategy of their campaigns are of resistance and not of force, as well as to add political power at a serious moment of public insecurity.
These two candidates have fought the mafia institutions that misappropriate public funds and traffic influence.
One of the most serious problems in the political campaign in Brazil and in Venezuela is that the poorest are easily swayed by populist and emotional speech. Both Lula and Chavez know how to manipulate speech to attract the popular masses by offering them "virtual" political power but few real solutions.
These politicians are perceived as typical Social Democrats; that is to say, they are tolerant and although also charismatic, they feel compelled to improve the social surroundings in a state of equality and justice.
Although both candidates desire to fight corruption, their political advisers know that that is not a subject that mobilizes the masses and excites them. For that reason they recommend focusing on the issue that always recur in the countries of Latin America; that is to say, strategies for solving poverty.
The short-term strategy is based on giving low-income families additions to the minimum wage, but granted without intermediaries so that they receive the income directly.
For example, the Venezuelan, Rosales, is offering in his campaign a debit card with the popular name "the Black Card" (the color of petroleum). This debit card would be given to around 2 million very low-income families.
The financial source for this first temporary solution would be one-fifth of the country's oil income.
This complementary welfare program would be combined with other social projects and an aggressive promotion of public and private investments with the medium-term objective to create jobs and new opportunities for small companies. But the more long-term project would be more integral and would consist of fiscal macroeconomic actions, monetary reform, and rational use of the government budget to obtain progress.
This strategy already has been implanted in Chile and in that country it has had many results, to such an extent that today the country exports more goods and services to the European Economic Community and to the United States and many countries of Latin America.
This integral strategy has still not been embraced by Alckmin, but it is the approach preferred by Rosales, and it is possible that this is the only difference that exists among them and between the Social Democratic parties that they represent.
(OhmyNews. Korea)
miércoles, septiembre 27, 2006
La Mona Lisa : nuevos hallazgos...
Los científicos del Consejo Nacional de Investigación de Canadá anunciaron los resultados de una fotografía en 3 dimensiones del famoso cuadro de Leonardo Da Vinci La Mona Lisa, durante una rueda de prensa en Ottawa, Canadá, señalando que la mujer de la sonrisa enigmática llevó originalmente una prenda de vestir delicada y que se utilizaba, en su época ,para momentos de la maternidad, y que además, el pelo estuvo recogido en un moño, detalles que han desaparecido bajo el barniz, pero son analizados ahora para hacerlos visibles con el uso de un escáner complejo y con láser.
"Esto es la Mona Lisa como nosotros nunca la habíamos visto antes," dijo el presidente de NRC Pierre Coulombe. .
Un equipo de investigadores de NRC había viajado a París, en octubre 2004, para realizar la investigación en el Museo del Louvre donde la pintura es vista por el público y por pedido del Centro francés, Recherche et de las Meditaciones de Restauration de Francia (CRRMF).
El análisis en 3D reveló que la mujer con la sonrisa enigmática fue pintada originalmente con el pelo atado atrás con un moño, aunque hoy aparezca su pelo caído en sus hombros.
La revelación se basa en una vieja controversia: porque sólo las chicas o mujeres del siglo XVI en Italia y dedicadas a la prostitución llevaban el pelo suelto, dijo un líder del proyecto de CRRMF, Bruno Mottin ; y la Mona Lisa (La Señora Lisa) era una mujer de importancia social. Una de sus prendas de vestir, semejaba la moda de las mujeres embarazadas de ese período histórico y además, se perdió también bajo el barniz amarillo, lo que se pudo escudriñar o mostrar con el rayo infrarrojo.
"Esto es algo que nunca se había visto hasta ahora," enfatizó de nuevo Mottin . La verdadera Mona Lisa tuvo tres hijos y entonces Da Vinci fue comisionardo por un florentino y empresario rico llamado Francesco Giocondo, para pintar a su esposa entre los años 1503 y 1506, después del nacimiento de su segundo niño; pero el pintor, mantuvo su trabajó incluso hasta su muerte y así pudo cambiar probablemente el pelo y otras características de la señora. En la pintura original de la "Mona Lisa," ella no descansa contra la espalda de su silla, como hemos creído, sino se había sentado verticalmente, como se ha mostrado en el análisis.
Investigadores se dedicaron también a conocer la técnica de la pintura de Da Vinci, inclusive su técnica de esfumado o de suave humo, al modelar con sombras, dijo Mottin. . "No hay ningún misterio especial en esta pintura, como se ha señalado en el libro de Dan Brown: 'El Código de Da Vinci,” dijo Mottin. "En esa pintura, Leonardo trató de capturar la esencia de la vida... y personifica todas sus habilidades... Ese es el verdadero misterio que hemos revelado."
Los investigadores identificaron una falta de pinceladas, sugiriendo que Da Vinci pudo haber utilizado los dedos para pintar, aunque no hay huellas dactilares en el trabajo artístico. . Al escudriñar la "Mona Lisa" ello reveló que las áreas más oscuras, tal como las áreas de los ojos y las comisuras de su sonrisa, son más gruesas y " estuvo compuesta de una sucesión de capas delgadamente aplicadas de su barniz," dijo el científico de la NRC Francois Blais. Sin embargo, es todavía un misterio cómo Da Vinci aplicó realmente sus capas de medio pigmento y de petróleo, dijo Blais.
"La técnica es una pintura delgada y muy plana, y además los detalles de los rizos del pelo, por ejemplo, son muy claros. Así, esta técnica diferenciada es algo que nosotros no habíamos visto jamás," dijo a John Taylor del NRC. Unos 12 centímetros ( es decir 4.7- pulgadas) partió la cabeza de la pintura, lo cual preocupó a los restauradores, y los científicos de NRC dijeron en su declaración… que : “seguramente esto fue causado por la eliminación del marco original y que fue reparado a principio del siglo XIX”.
También, el entrepaño de la madera de álamo en que Da Vinci pintó su pieza, tiene un lado convexo de 12 milímetros (0,5 pulgadas) más alto que sus otros lados; los investigadores dijeron, que esto no amenazó la sonrisa de la "Mona Lisa".
El análisis en 3D se hizo durante dos noches en el mes de octubre del año 2004, antes que la pintura se colocara en una nueva vitrina de vidrio en el Museo de Louvre en París. Mottin dijo que aunque la Mona Lisa sea vista por siete millones de visitantes que van al museo anualmente, los científicos han tenido pocas oportunidades de estudiarla en su laboratorio -- sólo una vez en la década de los 30, y en 1952 se tuvo esa oportunidad. "Ella sufre de su propia celebridad," dijo Mottin.
Las nuevas imágenes permitirán a los científicos continuar su investigación sin tocar la lona, así como utilizar nuevas técnicas de la restauración en el modelo de 3D, antes de aplicarla al retrato verdadero, dijeron Taylor.
La tecnología canadiense de cámara se ha utilizado para escudriñar previamente la estatua el “David” de Miguel Angel y otras pinturas de artistas como Renoir y Corot. Se utilizó también la técnica de 3D para crear la animación para la película de Hollywood tales como la trilogía de Jackson de Peter "El Señor de los Anillos" e igualmente en la placa madre del trasbordador espacial de la NASA, el Atlántida, para examinar el estado cambiante del calor de sus mosaicos durante la misión espacial. (Fuente : AFP )
Ver:
Incluso en algunos museos sólo se exponen copias (algunas muy buenas) de la Mona Lisa para proteger el original:
martes, septiembre 26, 2006
the Problems of Globalization
How to Solve the Problems of Globalization
Joseph Stiglitz and Evo Morales offer differing views
Ronda Hauben
As part of its 2006 World Leader's Forum, Columbia University hosted two programs which demonstrate that there are two significant but opposing models for economic development. One was with Columbia Professor Joseph Stiglitz, and the other with the President of Bolivia, Evo Morales.
The first program, held on Tuesday, Sept. 19, was a talk by Stiglitz about his new book, Making Globalization Work. Stiglitz is an economics and business professor at Columbia, who shared the 2001 Nobel Prize in Economics. In his talk about his new book, he describes how globalization is what he calls "market fundamentalism." This is a way of referring to the belief of the proponents of globalization that if left unimpeded, the market will solve all economic problems.
Stiglitz acknowledges that globalization is currently not working. That countries and regions of the world are becoming poorer, rather than benefiting from the removal of regulations and the lowering of corporate taxation that make up key elements of the program of globalization. Stiglitz does not see the problem, however, as a flaw in the globalization itself, but only in how it is being implemented. He proposes that the winners have not yet found a way that is "fair" to carry out their program.
Stiglitz blames the problems he outlines on the fact that the political program has lagged behind the economic. In his talk he briefly proposed some changes in policy. He warned that unless there are changes, those benefiting from globalization will see increased opposition.
Three other panelists supplemented the program, praising Stiglitz's book and giving their views on globalization. One of the panelists was George Soros.
Soros, a financier, pointed out that Stiglitz had failed to consider the impact of globalization on workers. While capital moves to where there is little or no taxation or regulation, workers have no comparable opportunity to move to, for example, a nation or region where there is strict regulation enforcing good labor conditions. Soros blamed the political leaders for allowing the abuse of workers in their countries. He failed to mention, however, that international agreements which promote the economic policies of globalization strip national entities of their ability to provide local protection.
What Stiglitz and the others who spoke at the forum promoting his book failed to acknowledge, is that the economic policies being carried out in the name of globalization empower large corporations which already have much wealth and power. These are entities which do not recognize any social obligation. The very restrictions and political obligations that the corporations seek to have removed are often the institutional processes that were created to contain their unbridled political and economic power.
Little time was available for questions from the audience. Instead extended responses from several of the panelists to a few questions used up the time that was supposed to be available for a substantial question and answer period.
No critic of globalization had been invited to be part of the program. Only those who agreed with Stiglitz's contention that minor reforms would solve the problems he outlined were invited to be part of the program discussing his book.
Oh Thursday, Sept. 21, Evo Morales gave a talk at Columbia. When Morales entered the auditorium, many people who were in the audience stood and applauded. He began his talk by thanking the audience for their warm reception. He explained how in his career as a union official in Bolivia, he had been the target of criticism from U.S. government officials. The U.S. embassy even tried to persuade Bolivians not to vote for Morales. He had not expected to find support from the American people. He explained that the warm greeting he was accorded filled him with great emotion. "I thank you very much for this reception," he told his audience.
In his talk, he described a model which provides a striking contrast to the one proposed by Stiglitz. Morales outlined how prior to his winning the presidency of Bolivia, a small minority of the population controlled the wealth and resources in his country. Bolivia is a small country, still it was listed as one of the most corrupt countries in an international survey. This corruption, he pointed out, was at the top of the power structure. Convened after Morales' election, a constituent assembly is drafting a new constitution. The vast majority of people, he explained, were excluded from having any say in the earlier constitution created for Bolivia.
Morales outlined the social program being carried out to improve the lives of the Bolivian people. An example he gave was that students have been given support to go voluntarily to poorer areas in Bolivia to provide education in literacy for the population. He explained how one third of the people didn't have legal papers and so couldn't vote or participate in other ways within Bolivian society. He was working to remedy this situation. Also 33,000 people had been able to have eye operations which would have previously cost $1000 each. Though there had been a question about whether to limit access to these free medical procedures to the poor, a decision was made to make the operations available to anyone who needed one. Morales stressed that the indigenous culture is not one that excludes anyone but is one which is inclusive, welcoming all to participate in an equal way.
A serious problem Morales discussed was the problem of cutting back the coca production in Bolivia. Another South American country, Columbia, spent billions of dollars trying to force restrictions on how much coca was produced without success. Morales argued that any successful program would have to be voluntary. Also, he defended the legal use of the coca plant, as a food and for chewing. The illegal use of the plant, to produce cocaine, however, is actively opposed.
The model of society that Morales outlined is a social model, with active programs by the government to improve the economic and political conditions of the Bolivian people. Attention is paid to remedy the harm suffered by large segments of the population in the past because of their exclusion from the benefits of the society.
Morales has also carried out some land reform, handing out state-owned land to agricultural workers. Some 2,300 new land titles were distributed, making a total of 9,600 square miles of land distributed as part of the land reform. Also, 50 tractors have been distributed to impoverished peasants. Morales' plan to redistribute privately held land which is not being used, which was acquired by illegal means, or which is used for speculation, has not yet been approved by the Bolivian Senate.
After he was elected President, Morales nationalized the Bolivian oil and gas reserves, explaining to the companies developing them that they would be guaranteed a profit, but not a windfall. Morales welcomed them as partners but not as bosses of his country. The money earned from these activities, he explained, has been put toward increasing social programs for the Bolivian people.
Morales is the first indigenous president in Bolivia. He estimates that the composition of the Bolivian population is 80 percent, whether they acknowledge it or not, indigenous people. In Bolivia, Morales argues, the neoliberal model does not work. An economic and political program with a social purpose is needed to address the hundreds of years of harm most people in Bolivia have suffered all the time that the wealth and resources of the countries has been in the hands of a small sector of the population who were only interested in their own self-enrichment.
Stiglitz would do well to recognize that the globalization model has a deep internal contradiction. This neoliberal model is one where powerful and wealthy interests are able to extend their wealth and power. Stiglitz's solution to the flaws of globalization is that these very interests voluntarily agree to put in place new restrictions on their increasingly unbridled power. This is fundamentally in opposition to the very program of globalization, which has been to remove all restriction on their wealth and power. The Bolivian model is an alternative model. It recognizes the need for an economic and political program to not only stop the current abuse, but also to address the impoverishment and corruption of hundreds of years.
OHMYNEWS
KOREA
Joseph Stiglitz and Evo Morales offer differing views
Ronda Hauben
As part of its 2006 World Leader's Forum, Columbia University hosted two programs which demonstrate that there are two significant but opposing models for economic development. One was with Columbia Professor Joseph Stiglitz, and the other with the President of Bolivia, Evo Morales.
The first program, held on Tuesday, Sept. 19, was a talk by Stiglitz about his new book, Making Globalization Work. Stiglitz is an economics and business professor at Columbia, who shared the 2001 Nobel Prize in Economics. In his talk about his new book, he describes how globalization is what he calls "market fundamentalism." This is a way of referring to the belief of the proponents of globalization that if left unimpeded, the market will solve all economic problems.
Stiglitz acknowledges that globalization is currently not working. That countries and regions of the world are becoming poorer, rather than benefiting from the removal of regulations and the lowering of corporate taxation that make up key elements of the program of globalization. Stiglitz does not see the problem, however, as a flaw in the globalization itself, but only in how it is being implemented. He proposes that the winners have not yet found a way that is "fair" to carry out their program.
Stiglitz blames the problems he outlines on the fact that the political program has lagged behind the economic. In his talk he briefly proposed some changes in policy. He warned that unless there are changes, those benefiting from globalization will see increased opposition.
Three other panelists supplemented the program, praising Stiglitz's book and giving their views on globalization. One of the panelists was George Soros.
Soros, a financier, pointed out that Stiglitz had failed to consider the impact of globalization on workers. While capital moves to where there is little or no taxation or regulation, workers have no comparable opportunity to move to, for example, a nation or region where there is strict regulation enforcing good labor conditions. Soros blamed the political leaders for allowing the abuse of workers in their countries. He failed to mention, however, that international agreements which promote the economic policies of globalization strip national entities of their ability to provide local protection.
What Stiglitz and the others who spoke at the forum promoting his book failed to acknowledge, is that the economic policies being carried out in the name of globalization empower large corporations which already have much wealth and power. These are entities which do not recognize any social obligation. The very restrictions and political obligations that the corporations seek to have removed are often the institutional processes that were created to contain their unbridled political and economic power.
Little time was available for questions from the audience. Instead extended responses from several of the panelists to a few questions used up the time that was supposed to be available for a substantial question and answer period.
No critic of globalization had been invited to be part of the program. Only those who agreed with Stiglitz's contention that minor reforms would solve the problems he outlined were invited to be part of the program discussing his book.
Oh Thursday, Sept. 21, Evo Morales gave a talk at Columbia. When Morales entered the auditorium, many people who were in the audience stood and applauded. He began his talk by thanking the audience for their warm reception. He explained how in his career as a union official in Bolivia, he had been the target of criticism from U.S. government officials. The U.S. embassy even tried to persuade Bolivians not to vote for Morales. He had not expected to find support from the American people. He explained that the warm greeting he was accorded filled him with great emotion. "I thank you very much for this reception," he told his audience.
In his talk, he described a model which provides a striking contrast to the one proposed by Stiglitz. Morales outlined how prior to his winning the presidency of Bolivia, a small minority of the population controlled the wealth and resources in his country. Bolivia is a small country, still it was listed as one of the most corrupt countries in an international survey. This corruption, he pointed out, was at the top of the power structure. Convened after Morales' election, a constituent assembly is drafting a new constitution. The vast majority of people, he explained, were excluded from having any say in the earlier constitution created for Bolivia.
Morales outlined the social program being carried out to improve the lives of the Bolivian people. An example he gave was that students have been given support to go voluntarily to poorer areas in Bolivia to provide education in literacy for the population. He explained how one third of the people didn't have legal papers and so couldn't vote or participate in other ways within Bolivian society. He was working to remedy this situation. Also 33,000 people had been able to have eye operations which would have previously cost $1000 each. Though there had been a question about whether to limit access to these free medical procedures to the poor, a decision was made to make the operations available to anyone who needed one. Morales stressed that the indigenous culture is not one that excludes anyone but is one which is inclusive, welcoming all to participate in an equal way.
A serious problem Morales discussed was the problem of cutting back the coca production in Bolivia. Another South American country, Columbia, spent billions of dollars trying to force restrictions on how much coca was produced without success. Morales argued that any successful program would have to be voluntary. Also, he defended the legal use of the coca plant, as a food and for chewing. The illegal use of the plant, to produce cocaine, however, is actively opposed.
The model of society that Morales outlined is a social model, with active programs by the government to improve the economic and political conditions of the Bolivian people. Attention is paid to remedy the harm suffered by large segments of the population in the past because of their exclusion from the benefits of the society.
Morales has also carried out some land reform, handing out state-owned land to agricultural workers. Some 2,300 new land titles were distributed, making a total of 9,600 square miles of land distributed as part of the land reform. Also, 50 tractors have been distributed to impoverished peasants. Morales' plan to redistribute privately held land which is not being used, which was acquired by illegal means, or which is used for speculation, has not yet been approved by the Bolivian Senate.
After he was elected President, Morales nationalized the Bolivian oil and gas reserves, explaining to the companies developing them that they would be guaranteed a profit, but not a windfall. Morales welcomed them as partners but not as bosses of his country. The money earned from these activities, he explained, has been put toward increasing social programs for the Bolivian people.
Morales is the first indigenous president in Bolivia. He estimates that the composition of the Bolivian population is 80 percent, whether they acknowledge it or not, indigenous people. In Bolivia, Morales argues, the neoliberal model does not work. An economic and political program with a social purpose is needed to address the hundreds of years of harm most people in Bolivia have suffered all the time that the wealth and resources of the countries has been in the hands of a small sector of the population who were only interested in their own self-enrichment.
Stiglitz would do well to recognize that the globalization model has a deep internal contradiction. This neoliberal model is one where powerful and wealthy interests are able to extend their wealth and power. Stiglitz's solution to the flaws of globalization is that these very interests voluntarily agree to put in place new restrictions on their increasingly unbridled power. This is fundamentally in opposition to the very program of globalization, which has been to remove all restriction on their wealth and power. The Bolivian model is an alternative model. It recognizes the need for an economic and political program to not only stop the current abuse, but also to address the impoverishment and corruption of hundreds of years.
OHMYNEWS
KOREA
lunes, septiembre 25, 2006
Cuba está en una encrucijada
Cuba está en una encrucijada
¿Socialismo o Democracia Social ?
Sacerdote Jesuita
Luis Ugalde
UCAB
Para Marx el socialismo es abundancia y prosperidad y se construye sobre el capitalismo más desarrollado. Lenín, por el contrario, lo implantó en uno de los países más atrasado de Europa.
Al comienzo de los años treinta cuando el mundo capitalista experimentó su gran depresión, parecía darle la razón a Lenín si se comparaba el desarrollo de la Unión Soviética con los problemas que presentaba el capitalismo al comienzo del año de 1929.
Lo mismo pensaron Mao apoyado en su partido comunista y muchos de otros partidos similares en África, Asia y América Latina. Pero todo esto ya ha pasado, pues ni Rusia y sus satélites, ni China, aun con su fuerte partido comunista, no son economías socialitas, ni las añoran.
En Cuba con medio siglo de poder absoluto de Castro y su partido comunista no han producido un aceptable desarrollo y bienestar económico; incluso, hay graves retrocesos en los últimos 15 años. Sin estímulos a la productividad y a la iniciativa empresarial, sin libertades básicas, la economía cubana es un fracaso estrepitoso que sobrevivió por el subsidio soviético y recientemente por la inversión en turismo de las grandes trasnacionales europeas y ahora por la ayuda proselitista de los petrodólares venezolanos.
En Cuba no existe un modelo económico para salir de la pobreza. Hace 25 años un funcionario cubano había confesado con sinceridad que : “ el gobierno supo poner el primer piso de la revolución, pero no sabe cómo construir el segundo piso.”. Luego de 25 años en el poder no podían dejar los espantosos racionamientos de comida, ni la penuria ni la pobreza.
El primer piso de la revolución fue elevar la moral del pueblo frente al bloqueo económico de USA y la construcción de un sistema de educación, salud ,deporte y seguridad para el país. Pero el segundo piso que hubiese sido promover una pujante economía de mercado con incentivos a la inversión pública y privada, acompañada de una libertad para buscar opciones de elevad productividad y tecnología nunca llegó en Cuba.
Al fracasar la economía colectivista en la Unión Soviética y en China, estos países hicieron su “perestroyca”, al darle importancia al capitalismo de la economía mixta, aunque el partido gubernamental mantenga el poder y el control político. Este enfoque también ha sido aceptado por la República Socialista de Viet Nam.
Ni en Unión Soviética ni en China, después de 50 años de adoctrinamiento, no apareció “ el hombre nuevo” libre del comportamiento natural de todo ser humano, que sólo existe en el mito comunista.
Cuba está en una encrucijada. Hoy la pobreza material es grande y los controles son absolutos. La gente está vigilada por lo que eufemísticamente se llama “el control social” del único partido. El régimen censura lo que pueda dañar la imagen de su acción de gobierno; por esto controla el uso del Internet y sólo se permite leer el periódico del partido comunista. Estos controles van en contra de la naturaleza humana.
Por ejemplo, la economía tiene su propio motor que mueve el instinto humano para buscar su propio bienestar combinado con la creatividad. El peligro del “capitalismo salvaje” es convertir a los seres humanos en simples factores de la producción e imponer como suprema ley el interés de los más fuertes. Por eso, la democracia social se basa en una autoridad pública con moral, con instituciones, con solidaridad, combinando el logro personal con el interés común.
Las grandes revoluciones tuvieron sus etapas de grandes utopías y de heroísmos, pero luego descubren sus limitaciones y sus miserias (sus locuras). De la Revolución Francesa se apoderó un emperador que agotó a su país hasta llevarlo a la guerra, pero luego vino la restauración y así pasó con otras revoluciones. Entrar en esa trampa mortal es simplemente un capricho reaccionario de no aprender de la historia.
Cuba y todos los países de América Latina necesitan de un cambio profundo para toda su población y en la búsqueda de un desarrollo humano superior que comience a combatir la pobreza.Tenemos la necesidad de buscar otro modelo que no sea el comunismo.
Cuba is in a crossroads.
Socialism or social democracy?
For Marx the socialism is abundance and prosperity as long as it is built on the capitalism most developed one. Lenín, on the contrary, established it in one of the most backward countries of Europe.
At early thirties when the capitalist world experienced its great depression, seemed to give the reason to Lenín if was compared the development of the Soviet Union with the problems that presented the capitalism one al beginning of the year of 1929.
The same thing thought Mao supported in its communist party and many of other similar parties in Africa, Asia and Latin America. But all this already has passed, therefore neither Russia and their satellites, neither Chinese, even with their strong communist party, are not economies socialitas, neither they yearn or miss for them.
In Cuba with 50 years of absolute power this country have not produced an acceptable development and economic welfare; even, there are serious backward movements in the last 15 years. Without stimuli to the productivity and to the business initiative, without basic liberties, the Cuban economy is a spectacular failure that survived for the Soviet subsidy and recently by the investment in tourism of the large transnational European and now by the propaganda aid of the Venezuelan petrodollars.
In Cuba there is not an economic model to leave the poverty. 25 years ago a Cuban official had confessed with sincerity that: "The government knew to put the first flat of the revolution, but does not know how to build the second flat.". After 25 years in the power the government has not been able to leave the frightful rationings of food, neither has been able to stop the poverty.
The first flat of the revolution was to elevate the morale of the population to fight the economic blockade of USA and the construction of a system of education, health, sport and security for the country. But the second flat that had been to promote a booming market economy with incentives to the private and public investment, accompanied by a liberty to seek options and elevate productivity and technology never arrived in Cuba.
The state economy in the Soviet Union and in China fails, then those countries did its "migratory", and those countries give a lot of importance al capitalism of the mixed economy, although the governmental party maintain the power and the political control. This focus has also been accepted for the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam.
Neither in Soviet Union neither in China, after 50 years of indoctrination, did not appear "the new man", free of the natural behavior of every human being, that only exists in the communist myth.
Cuba is in a crossroads.Today the material poverty is large and the controls are absolute. The people is watched for which euphemistically is called "the social control" of the only party. The state reproof what can damage the image of its action of government; by this controls the use of the Internet and only is permitted to read the newspaper of the communist party. These controls go against the human nature.
For example, the economy has its own motor that moves the human instinct to seek its own welfare combined with the creativity. The danger of the " wild capitalism" is to convert the human beings in simple factors of the production and to impose as supreme law the interest of the strongest. Therefore, the social democracy is based on a public authority with morale, with institutions, with solidarity, combining the personal achievement with the common interest.
The large revolutions had their phases of big utopias and of heroisms, but then they discover their limitations and their miseries (their follys). For example, the French Revolution was empowered an emperor that exhausted to their country to carrying it to the war, but then he came the restoration and thus he passed with other revolutions. Taking the road of that mortal trap is simply a reactionary whim of learn not of the history.
Cuba and all the countries of Latin America need a deep change for all their population and in the search of an upper human development that comience to fight the poverty.have the need to seek another model that do not be the communism.
¿Socialismo o Democracia Social ?
Sacerdote Jesuita
Luis Ugalde
UCAB
Para Marx el socialismo es abundancia y prosperidad y se construye sobre el capitalismo más desarrollado. Lenín, por el contrario, lo implantó en uno de los países más atrasado de Europa.
Al comienzo de los años treinta cuando el mundo capitalista experimentó su gran depresión, parecía darle la razón a Lenín si se comparaba el desarrollo de la Unión Soviética con los problemas que presentaba el capitalismo al comienzo del año de 1929.
Lo mismo pensaron Mao apoyado en su partido comunista y muchos de otros partidos similares en África, Asia y América Latina. Pero todo esto ya ha pasado, pues ni Rusia y sus satélites, ni China, aun con su fuerte partido comunista, no son economías socialitas, ni las añoran.
En Cuba con medio siglo de poder absoluto de Castro y su partido comunista no han producido un aceptable desarrollo y bienestar económico; incluso, hay graves retrocesos en los últimos 15 años. Sin estímulos a la productividad y a la iniciativa empresarial, sin libertades básicas, la economía cubana es un fracaso estrepitoso que sobrevivió por el subsidio soviético y recientemente por la inversión en turismo de las grandes trasnacionales europeas y ahora por la ayuda proselitista de los petrodólares venezolanos.
En Cuba no existe un modelo económico para salir de la pobreza. Hace 25 años un funcionario cubano había confesado con sinceridad que : “ el gobierno supo poner el primer piso de la revolución, pero no sabe cómo construir el segundo piso.”. Luego de 25 años en el poder no podían dejar los espantosos racionamientos de comida, ni la penuria ni la pobreza.
El primer piso de la revolución fue elevar la moral del pueblo frente al bloqueo económico de USA y la construcción de un sistema de educación, salud ,deporte y seguridad para el país. Pero el segundo piso que hubiese sido promover una pujante economía de mercado con incentivos a la inversión pública y privada, acompañada de una libertad para buscar opciones de elevad productividad y tecnología nunca llegó en Cuba.
Al fracasar la economía colectivista en la Unión Soviética y en China, estos países hicieron su “perestroyca”, al darle importancia al capitalismo de la economía mixta, aunque el partido gubernamental mantenga el poder y el control político. Este enfoque también ha sido aceptado por la República Socialista de Viet Nam.
Ni en Unión Soviética ni en China, después de 50 años de adoctrinamiento, no apareció “ el hombre nuevo” libre del comportamiento natural de todo ser humano, que sólo existe en el mito comunista.
Cuba está en una encrucijada. Hoy la pobreza material es grande y los controles son absolutos. La gente está vigilada por lo que eufemísticamente se llama “el control social” del único partido. El régimen censura lo que pueda dañar la imagen de su acción de gobierno; por esto controla el uso del Internet y sólo se permite leer el periódico del partido comunista. Estos controles van en contra de la naturaleza humana.
Por ejemplo, la economía tiene su propio motor que mueve el instinto humano para buscar su propio bienestar combinado con la creatividad. El peligro del “capitalismo salvaje” es convertir a los seres humanos en simples factores de la producción e imponer como suprema ley el interés de los más fuertes. Por eso, la democracia social se basa en una autoridad pública con moral, con instituciones, con solidaridad, combinando el logro personal con el interés común.
Las grandes revoluciones tuvieron sus etapas de grandes utopías y de heroísmos, pero luego descubren sus limitaciones y sus miserias (sus locuras). De la Revolución Francesa se apoderó un emperador que agotó a su país hasta llevarlo a la guerra, pero luego vino la restauración y así pasó con otras revoluciones. Entrar en esa trampa mortal es simplemente un capricho reaccionario de no aprender de la historia.
Cuba y todos los países de América Latina necesitan de un cambio profundo para toda su población y en la búsqueda de un desarrollo humano superior que comience a combatir la pobreza.Tenemos la necesidad de buscar otro modelo que no sea el comunismo.
Cuba is in a crossroads.
Socialism or social democracy?
For Marx the socialism is abundance and prosperity as long as it is built on the capitalism most developed one. Lenín, on the contrary, established it in one of the most backward countries of Europe.
At early thirties when the capitalist world experienced its great depression, seemed to give the reason to Lenín if was compared the development of the Soviet Union with the problems that presented the capitalism one al beginning of the year of 1929.
The same thing thought Mao supported in its communist party and many of other similar parties in Africa, Asia and Latin America. But all this already has passed, therefore neither Russia and their satellites, neither Chinese, even with their strong communist party, are not economies socialitas, neither they yearn or miss for them.
In Cuba with 50 years of absolute power this country have not produced an acceptable development and economic welfare; even, there are serious backward movements in the last 15 years. Without stimuli to the productivity and to the business initiative, without basic liberties, the Cuban economy is a spectacular failure that survived for the Soviet subsidy and recently by the investment in tourism of the large transnational European and now by the propaganda aid of the Venezuelan petrodollars.
In Cuba there is not an economic model to leave the poverty. 25 years ago a Cuban official had confessed with sincerity that: "The government knew to put the first flat of the revolution, but does not know how to build the second flat.". After 25 years in the power the government has not been able to leave the frightful rationings of food, neither has been able to stop the poverty.
The first flat of the revolution was to elevate the morale of the population to fight the economic blockade of USA and the construction of a system of education, health, sport and security for the country. But the second flat that had been to promote a booming market economy with incentives to the private and public investment, accompanied by a liberty to seek options and elevate productivity and technology never arrived in Cuba.
The state economy in the Soviet Union and in China fails, then those countries did its "migratory", and those countries give a lot of importance al capitalism of the mixed economy, although the governmental party maintain the power and the political control. This focus has also been accepted for the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam.
Neither in Soviet Union neither in China, after 50 years of indoctrination, did not appear "the new man", free of the natural behavior of every human being, that only exists in the communist myth.
Cuba is in a crossroads.Today the material poverty is large and the controls are absolute. The people is watched for which euphemistically is called "the social control" of the only party. The state reproof what can damage the image of its action of government; by this controls the use of the Internet and only is permitted to read the newspaper of the communist party. These controls go against the human nature.
For example, the economy has its own motor that moves the human instinct to seek its own welfare combined with the creativity. The danger of the " wild capitalism" is to convert the human beings in simple factors of the production and to impose as supreme law the interest of the strongest. Therefore, the social democracy is based on a public authority with morale, with institutions, with solidarity, combining the personal achievement with the common interest.
The large revolutions had their phases of big utopias and of heroisms, but then they discover their limitations and their miseries (their follys). For example, the French Revolution was empowered an emperor that exhausted to their country to carrying it to the war, but then he came the restoration and thus he passed with other revolutions. Taking the road of that mortal trap is simply a reactionary whim of learn not of the history.
Cuba and all the countries of Latin America need a deep change for all their population and in the search of an upper human development that comience to fight the poverty.have the need to seek another model that do not be the communism.
viernes, septiembre 22, 2006
Thailand: the coup d'etat.
Thailand: the coup d'etat.
Again the country in the eye of the political Hurricane
Alfredo Ascanio (askain)
To day Thailand besides suffering the natural onslaughts as the Tsunami and the flu Aviar, returns to its very united same old political crisis to the problems of corruption and of political personnel’s decisions of many of its military political leaders. But the person that always seeks the balance of these complex powers is the King Bhumiboi Adulyadej and the fact is that the tradition of Thailand was always to be wrapped in political crisis owed al to be able military that has always existed in that country and also its crisis with the old Burma (today Myamar) and with the kingdom of Cambodia.
Thailand is a tropical country and with a small territorial extension (513.115 Km2 ), but with a high greater population of the 63 million inhabitants. Being a 32% of their urban population is supposed that is a really rural country, where they inhabit the 75% of the Thais, with a 14% of Chinese, 4% of Malaysians and 7% of Cambodians and other ethnic groups. This country is of young population therefore barely the 6% they are over 60 years. The expense in education that represents an average from the 4% of the GDP indicates that barely the country has a 7% of illiterate population and that probably the country yes have a problem of public health therefore this expense represents barely the 2% of the GDP.
The country has as system of government a parliamentary Monarchy, supported in the Constitution of 1997. Thailand is a multiparty country and the leader of the State is the King Bhumiboi Adulyadej, since the year of 1946. The Prime Minister of the government is Thaksin Shinawatra since the year of 2001. The legislative power is bicameral with 200 senators, chosen by in Provisional Counsel and with 500 Representatives.
This country with commercial bonds with Japan, Singapore, USA, Germany and Chinese, presents a GDP per capita of a little more than 2 thousand dollars, but with a high external debt of almost 46 million dollars, that is to say almost the 10% of its aforesaid annual GDP in dollars of more than 525 million dollars (year 2.004).
The country spends the 16% of its budget in military defense, but with an army formed by a 48% of paramilitary and the 52% remainder of a professional soldier.
Thailand was the old one Siam with an origin in the 11th century, when the town Thai is installed in the territory of the Asian southeast, al to be expelled of China.
The country adopts mostly the Buddhist religion. The Kingdom of Siam is unified in the year of 1350 but its capital is destroyed in the year of 1767 due to the war with Burma. Then a new monarchy with their capital in Bangkok arises and the country fight for is not a European colony, although the Laos and Cambodia were yielded to France and part from Malaya the United Kingdom.
In the year from 1931 the country is surprised for a first coup d'etat to place a constitutional state. In the year of 1941 is country is occupied by Japanese troops and then an anti-Japanese resistance appears.
In the decade of the years 60 and 70 the country controlled by the soldiers they experience again various coup d'etats and during the Vietnam War, USA places in the country its military bases. Then, it is from the year of 1975 and with western investments when the economy of the country is fortified and already for the year of 1988 a democratic government with the prime Minister exists Chatichai Chunjavan, but al to arise rivalries with the military dome receives the country again another coup d'etat in the year of 1991 headed by the general one Sunthom Kongsompong and a new one is named: Anand Panyarachun.
The country continues fighting for consolidating its democracy and during the year of 1992 a new government with the presence of the prime Minister is formed Narong Wongwan, ally to the groups of soldiers with being able, but al to be accused of having bonds with the drug trafficking is separated of the government and is substituted for Suchinda Krapayun, commander of the armed forces. This appointment causes many to protest liderizadas by the general opponent Chamiong Srimaung and was the massacre of May 18, the year of 1992 with more than 100 dead persons the one that does that the King Bhumibol promotes a meeting to reconcile to Chamiong with Suchinda and besides to ask the renunciation of this last one.
A provisional government under the direction is formed of Anand Panyarachun and again solidifies the opposing forces directed by Chuan Likpai as the prime Minister.
In the year from 1996 the prime Minister Chaovalit Young Chaisyudh, of the party New Aspiration, assumes the government, but already for the year from 1997 the country begins a high very united economic crisis also to the call Asian crisis. The distrust in the economy of the country is high and the country has to resort to the loans of stabilization of the International Monetary Fund for more than 17 million dollars. Almost to ends of the year from 1.997 the Prime Minister Young resigns al to be accused of the crisis and assumes Chuan Likpai, of the Democratic Party.
The economic crisis is aggravated with a budgetary deficit from the 2% of the GDP, which obliges al government to elevate the taxes. Almost to ends of the years from 1999 the country begins to be recovered of its economic crisis with a growth of the GDP of the 4,2% al year, the half of what had grown in the first years of the decade of the years 90.
The representatives of the opposition pressure al government of Likpai so that call of new elections for January of the year 2001 and then obtains the victory Thaksin Shinawatra of the Thai party they Love Thais (TRT), a leader processed by corruption but that then was acquitted by the Constitutional Court.
The problems of the economy of USA and the attack of September 11 to the Twin Towers at New York, they have impact in the world economy and again in the economy of Thailand, a country with an unprotected border and with high supported drugs traffic indices by the militias of the military government of Myanmar, the old Burma until 1997. Then arise another crisis but now between Myamar and Thailand, a fight of powers between armed groups and the crisis with Cambodia. Again the country battle with Islamic rebels in the south of the country. To ends of the year 2004 the country suffers the so much onslaughts of the call Aviar Flu as of the Tsunami in the Indian Ocean.
September 19 the country is faced again with another military coup (http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Golpe_de_Estado_en_Tailandia_(2006) ). Al to be absent the prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, defendant of fraudulent management of financial type and that had traveled to the meeting of the UN in New York, the Real Army of Thailand advances at 15 of October day for the general elections and decrees the martial law. It is created immediately an Administrative Council for the Reform, and this Council assumes the executive powers with total loyalty al King.
The social division of the country and the high corruption it has been two justifications to give the coup d'etat. The coup d'etat was directed by the general one Sondhi Boonyaratklin, but the leaders of the three branches of the army they have proposed him al King a cabinet and as the prime minister al general leader Sorayud Chulanont. Nevertheless a political transition exists for now or to be able executive collegial, which has called for political meetings for 20 of September. In the meantime, a strict control exists with hardly reproofs to the national mass media and of the outside.
It is expected that for the month of October they be not carry out the general election but within a year but in the meantime the King legitimizes the Administrative Council for the Reform and the general Sondhi Boonyaratklin, leader of the military coup. It is expected that the democratic order be recovered quick and the endorsement al democracy.
Behind the causes of this coup d'etat they are the decisions of the Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra to dismiss al commander of the region of Bangkok and members of the Electoral Commission that tried again to support illicit at multimillionaire Shinawatra, leader of the party Thai Rak Thai.
Now there it will be that to expect a year more to know the political future of Thailand.But It seems knowing the political history of Thailand that this country needs come back its eyes to the not military politicians, therefore to seem that the political soldiers do not have the vocation for manage the democracy in a country and with they to seem that the corruption enlarges.
Again the country in the eye of the political Hurricane
Alfredo Ascanio (askain)
To day Thailand besides suffering the natural onslaughts as the Tsunami and the flu Aviar, returns to its very united same old political crisis to the problems of corruption and of political personnel’s decisions of many of its military political leaders. But the person that always seeks the balance of these complex powers is the King Bhumiboi Adulyadej and the fact is that the tradition of Thailand was always to be wrapped in political crisis owed al to be able military that has always existed in that country and also its crisis with the old Burma (today Myamar) and with the kingdom of Cambodia.
Thailand is a tropical country and with a small territorial extension (513.115 Km2 ), but with a high greater population of the 63 million inhabitants. Being a 32% of their urban population is supposed that is a really rural country, where they inhabit the 75% of the Thais, with a 14% of Chinese, 4% of Malaysians and 7% of Cambodians and other ethnic groups. This country is of young population therefore barely the 6% they are over 60 years. The expense in education that represents an average from the 4% of the GDP indicates that barely the country has a 7% of illiterate population and that probably the country yes have a problem of public health therefore this expense represents barely the 2% of the GDP.
The country has as system of government a parliamentary Monarchy, supported in the Constitution of 1997. Thailand is a multiparty country and the leader of the State is the King Bhumiboi Adulyadej, since the year of 1946. The Prime Minister of the government is Thaksin Shinawatra since the year of 2001. The legislative power is bicameral with 200 senators, chosen by in Provisional Counsel and with 500 Representatives.
This country with commercial bonds with Japan, Singapore, USA, Germany and Chinese, presents a GDP per capita of a little more than 2 thousand dollars, but with a high external debt of almost 46 million dollars, that is to say almost the 10% of its aforesaid annual GDP in dollars of more than 525 million dollars (year 2.004).
The country spends the 16% of its budget in military defense, but with an army formed by a 48% of paramilitary and the 52% remainder of a professional soldier.
Thailand was the old one Siam with an origin in the 11th century, when the town Thai is installed in the territory of the Asian southeast, al to be expelled of China.
The country adopts mostly the Buddhist religion. The Kingdom of Siam is unified in the year of 1350 but its capital is destroyed in the year of 1767 due to the war with Burma. Then a new monarchy with their capital in Bangkok arises and the country fight for is not a European colony, although the Laos and Cambodia were yielded to France and part from Malaya the United Kingdom.
In the year from 1931 the country is surprised for a first coup d'etat to place a constitutional state. In the year of 1941 is country is occupied by Japanese troops and then an anti-Japanese resistance appears.
In the decade of the years 60 and 70 the country controlled by the soldiers they experience again various coup d'etats and during the Vietnam War, USA places in the country its military bases. Then, it is from the year of 1975 and with western investments when the economy of the country is fortified and already for the year of 1988 a democratic government with the prime Minister exists Chatichai Chunjavan, but al to arise rivalries with the military dome receives the country again another coup d'etat in the year of 1991 headed by the general one Sunthom Kongsompong and a new one is named: Anand Panyarachun.
The country continues fighting for consolidating its democracy and during the year of 1992 a new government with the presence of the prime Minister is formed Narong Wongwan, ally to the groups of soldiers with being able, but al to be accused of having bonds with the drug trafficking is separated of the government and is substituted for Suchinda Krapayun, commander of the armed forces. This appointment causes many to protest liderizadas by the general opponent Chamiong Srimaung and was the massacre of May 18, the year of 1992 with more than 100 dead persons the one that does that the King Bhumibol promotes a meeting to reconcile to Chamiong with Suchinda and besides to ask the renunciation of this last one.
A provisional government under the direction is formed of Anand Panyarachun and again solidifies the opposing forces directed by Chuan Likpai as the prime Minister.
In the year from 1996 the prime Minister Chaovalit Young Chaisyudh, of the party New Aspiration, assumes the government, but already for the year from 1997 the country begins a high very united economic crisis also to the call Asian crisis. The distrust in the economy of the country is high and the country has to resort to the loans of stabilization of the International Monetary Fund for more than 17 million dollars. Almost to ends of the year from 1.997 the Prime Minister Young resigns al to be accused of the crisis and assumes Chuan Likpai, of the Democratic Party.
The economic crisis is aggravated with a budgetary deficit from the 2% of the GDP, which obliges al government to elevate the taxes. Almost to ends of the years from 1999 the country begins to be recovered of its economic crisis with a growth of the GDP of the 4,2% al year, the half of what had grown in the first years of the decade of the years 90.
The representatives of the opposition pressure al government of Likpai so that call of new elections for January of the year 2001 and then obtains the victory Thaksin Shinawatra of the Thai party they Love Thais (TRT), a leader processed by corruption but that then was acquitted by the Constitutional Court.
The problems of the economy of USA and the attack of September 11 to the Twin Towers at New York, they have impact in the world economy and again in the economy of Thailand, a country with an unprotected border and with high supported drugs traffic indices by the militias of the military government of Myanmar, the old Burma until 1997. Then arise another crisis but now between Myamar and Thailand, a fight of powers between armed groups and the crisis with Cambodia. Again the country battle with Islamic rebels in the south of the country. To ends of the year 2004 the country suffers the so much onslaughts of the call Aviar Flu as of the Tsunami in the Indian Ocean.
September 19 the country is faced again with another military coup (http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Golpe_de_Estado_en_Tailandia_(2006) ). Al to be absent the prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, defendant of fraudulent management of financial type and that had traveled to the meeting of the UN in New York, the Real Army of Thailand advances at 15 of October day for the general elections and decrees the martial law. It is created immediately an Administrative Council for the Reform, and this Council assumes the executive powers with total loyalty al King.
The social division of the country and the high corruption it has been two justifications to give the coup d'etat. The coup d'etat was directed by the general one Sondhi Boonyaratklin, but the leaders of the three branches of the army they have proposed him al King a cabinet and as the prime minister al general leader Sorayud Chulanont. Nevertheless a political transition exists for now or to be able executive collegial, which has called for political meetings for 20 of September. In the meantime, a strict control exists with hardly reproofs to the national mass media and of the outside.
It is expected that for the month of October they be not carry out the general election but within a year but in the meantime the King legitimizes the Administrative Council for the Reform and the general Sondhi Boonyaratklin, leader of the military coup. It is expected that the democratic order be recovered quick and the endorsement al democracy.
Behind the causes of this coup d'etat they are the decisions of the Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra to dismiss al commander of the region of Bangkok and members of the Electoral Commission that tried again to support illicit at multimillionaire Shinawatra, leader of the party Thai Rak Thai.
Now there it will be that to expect a year more to know the political future of Thailand.But It seems knowing the political history of Thailand that this country needs come back its eyes to the not military politicians, therefore to seem that the political soldiers do not have the vocation for manage the democracy in a country and with they to seem that the corruption enlarges.
jueves, septiembre 21, 2006
CHAVEZ'S ANTI-U.S. FERVOR
La HOJA Web del Futuro Presidente de Venezuela
La Hoja Web de Rosales es profesionalmente elaborado como será profesionalemnte también su gobierno de inclusión.
miércoles, septiembre 20, 2006
Tailandia: un nuevo golpe de estado
El golpe de Estado en Tailandia
De nuevo el país en el ojo del Huracán político
De nuevo Tailandia además de sufrir los embates naturales como el Tsunami y la gripe Aviar, vuelve a sus crisis políticas de siempre muy unidas a los problemas de corrupción y de decisiones políticas personales de muchos de sus líderes políticos militares. La persona que siempre busca el balance de estos poderes complejos es el Rey Bhumiboí Adulyadej y es que la tradición de Tailandia siempre fue estar envuelto en crisis políticas debido al poder militar que siempre ha existido en ese país y también sus crisis con la antigua Birmania (hoy Myamar) y con el reino de Camboya.
Tailandia es un país tropical y con una extensión territorial pequeña (513.115 Km. 2), pero con una elevada población mayor de los 63 millones de habitantes .Siendo un 32% de su población urbana, se supone que es un país realmente rural, donde habitan el 75% de los tailandeses con un 14% de chinos, 4% de malasios y 7% de camboyanos y otras etnias. Es un país de población joven pues apenas el 6% son mayores de 60 años. El gasto en educación que representa una media del 4% del PIB, indica que apenas el país tiene un 7% de población analfabeta y que probablemente el país sí tenga un problema de salud pública pues este gasto representa apenas el 2% del PIB.
El país tiene como sistema de gobierno una Monarquía parlamentaria, apoyado en la Constitución de 1997. Es un país pluripartidista y el Jefe del Estado es el Rey Bhumiboí Adulyadej, desde el año de 1946. El jefe del gobierno es el primer ministro Thaksin Shinawatra desde el año de 2001. El poder legislativo es bicameral con 200 senadores, elegidos por in Consejo Provisional y con 500 Representantes.
Este país con vínculos comerciales con Japón, Singapur, USA , Alemania y China, presenta un PIB per cápita de un poco más de 2 mil dólares, pero con una deuda externa elevada de casi 46 millones de dólares, o sea casi el 10% de su PIB anual expresado en dólares de más de 525 millones de dólares (año 2.004).
El país gasta el 16% de su presupuesto en defensa militar, pero con un ejército formado por un 48% de paramilitares y el 52% restante de un ejercito profesional.
Tailandia fue el antiguo Siam con un origen en el siglo XI, cuando el pueblo Thai se instala en el territorio del sudeste asiático, al ser expulsados de China. El país adopta en su mayoría la religión Budista. El Reino de Siam se unifica en el año de 1350 pero su capital es destruida en el año de 1767 debido a la guerra con Birmania. Luego surge una nueva monarquía con su capital en Bangkok y el país lucha para no ser una colonia europea, aunque la Laos y Camboya fueron cedidos a Francia y parte de Malasia el Reino Unidos.
En el año de 1931 el país es sorprendido por un primer golpe de Estado para colocar un régimen constitucional. En el año de 1941 es país es ocupado por tropas japonesas y entonces aparece una resistencia anti-japonesa. En la década de los años 60 y 70 el país controlado por los militares vuelven a experimentar varios golpes de Estado y durante la Guerra de Vietnam USA coloca en el país su bases militares. Luego, es a partir del año de 1975 y con inversiones occidentales cunado la economía del país se fortalece y ya para el año de 1988 existe un gobierno democrático con el primer Ministro Chatichai Chunjavan, pero al surgir rivalidades con la cúpula militar recibe el país de nuevo otro golpe de Estado en el año de 1991 liderado por el general Sunthom Kongsompong y se nombra un nuevo primer ministro: Anand Panyarachun.
El país sigue luchando por consolidar su democracia y durante el año de 1992 se forma un nuevo gobierno con la presencia del Primer Ministro Narong Wongwan, aliado a los grupos de militares con poder, pero al ser acusado de tener vínculos con el narcotráfico es separado del gobierno y es sustituido por Suchinda Krapayun, comandante de las fuerzas armadas. Este nombramiento provoca muchas protestar liderizadas por el opositor general Chamiong Srimaung y fue la masacre del 18 de mayo del año de 1992 con más de 100 muertos la que hace que el Rey Bhumibol promueve una reunión para conciliar a Chamiong con Suchinda y además pedir la renuncia de este último. Se forma un gobierno provisional bajo la dirección de Anand Panyarachun y de nuevo se solidifica la fuerzas opositoras dirigida por Chuan Likpai como Primer Ministro.
En el año de 1996 el primer Ministro Chaovalit Young Chaisyudh, del partido Nueva Aspiración, asume el gobierno, pero ya para el año de 1997 el país comienza una elevada crisis económica muy unida también a la llamada crisis asiática. La desconfianza en la economía del país es elevada y el país tiene que recurrir a los préstamos de estabilización del Fondo Monetario Internacional por más de 17 millones de dólares. Casi a finales del año de 1.997 el primer ministro Young renuncia al ser acusado de la crisis y asume Chuan Likpai, del partido Demócrata.
La crisis económica se agrava con un déficit presupuestario del 2% del PIB, lo cual obliga al gobierno a elevar los impuestos. Casi a finales de los años de 1999 el país comienza a recuperarse de su crisis económica con un crecimiento del PIB del 4,2% al año, la mitad de lo que había crecido en los primeros años de la década de los años 90.
Los diputados de la oposición presionan al gobierno de Likpai para que convoque de nuevo elecciones para enero del año 2001 y entonces obtiene la victoria Thaksin Shinawatra del partido Tailandeses Aman Tailandeses (TRT), un líder procesado por corrupción pero que luego fue absuelto por el Tribunal Constitucional. Los problemas de la economía de USA y el atentado del 11 de septiembre contra las Torres Gemelas, tienen impacto en la economía mundial y de nuevo en la economía de Tailandia, un país con una frontera desprotegida y con altos índices de tráfico de drogas apoyadas por las milicias del gobierno militar de Myanmar, la antigua Birmania hasta 1997. Surja otra crisis pero ahora entre Myamar y Tailandia, una lucha de poderes entre grupos armados y la crisis con Camboya. De nuevo el país combate con insurgentes islámicos en el sur del país. A finales del año 2004 el país sufre los embates tanto de la llamada Gripe Aviar como del Tsunami en el océano índico.
El 19 de septiembre el país se enfrenta de nuevo con otro golpe militardel 2006 como se relata aquí . Al estar ausente el primer ministro Thaksin Shinawatra, acusado de manejos fraudulentos de tipo financiero y que había viajado a la reunión de la ONU en New York, el Real Ejército de Tailandia se adelanta al 15 de octubre día para las elecciones generales y decreta la ley marcial. Se crea de inmediato un Consejo Administrativo para la Reforma y este Consejo asume los poderes ejecutivos con lealtad total al Rey.
La división social del país y la elevada corrupción han sido las dos justificaciones para dar el golpe de Estado. El golpe de Estado estuvo dirigido por el general Sondhi Boonyaratklin, pero los jefes de las tres ramas del ejercito le han propuesto al Rey un gabinete y como primer ministro al líder general Sorayud Chulanont. No obstante existe, por ahora, una transición política o poder ejecutivo colegiado, el cual ha convocado para reuniones políticas para 20 de septiembre. Mientras tanto, existe un control estricto con fuertes censuras a los medios de comunicación nacionales y del exterior. Se espera que para el mes de octubre no se lleven a cabo la elección general sino dentro de un año, pero mientras tanto el Rey legitima al Consejo de Reforma Administrativa y al general Sondhi Boonyaratklin, líder del golpe militar. Se espera que el orden democrático sea recuperado pronto y el respaldo al estado de derecho.
Detrás de las causas de este golpe de estado están las decisiones del Primer Ministro Thaksin Shinawatra para destituir al comandante de la región de Bangkok y debido a que algunos miembros de la Comisión Electoral intentaron apoyar ilícitamente al multimillonario Shinawatra, líder del partido Thai Rak Thai.
Ahora habrá que esperar un año más para conocer el futuro político de Tailandia; pero mientras Tailanda no vuelva sus ojos a los políticos civiles y siga con militares políticos, siempre habrá ineficiencia de las principales decisiones y siempre habrá elevada corruptela. Zapatero a tu zapato...
De nuevo el país en el ojo del Huracán político
De nuevo Tailandia además de sufrir los embates naturales como el Tsunami y la gripe Aviar, vuelve a sus crisis políticas de siempre muy unidas a los problemas de corrupción y de decisiones políticas personales de muchos de sus líderes políticos militares. La persona que siempre busca el balance de estos poderes complejos es el Rey Bhumiboí Adulyadej y es que la tradición de Tailandia siempre fue estar envuelto en crisis políticas debido al poder militar que siempre ha existido en ese país y también sus crisis con la antigua Birmania (hoy Myamar) y con el reino de Camboya.
Tailandia es un país tropical y con una extensión territorial pequeña (513.115 Km. 2), pero con una elevada población mayor de los 63 millones de habitantes .Siendo un 32% de su población urbana, se supone que es un país realmente rural, donde habitan el 75% de los tailandeses con un 14% de chinos, 4% de malasios y 7% de camboyanos y otras etnias. Es un país de población joven pues apenas el 6% son mayores de 60 años. El gasto en educación que representa una media del 4% del PIB, indica que apenas el país tiene un 7% de población analfabeta y que probablemente el país sí tenga un problema de salud pública pues este gasto representa apenas el 2% del PIB.
El país tiene como sistema de gobierno una Monarquía parlamentaria, apoyado en la Constitución de 1997. Es un país pluripartidista y el Jefe del Estado es el Rey Bhumiboí Adulyadej, desde el año de 1946. El jefe del gobierno es el primer ministro Thaksin Shinawatra desde el año de 2001. El poder legislativo es bicameral con 200 senadores, elegidos por in Consejo Provisional y con 500 Representantes.
Este país con vínculos comerciales con Japón, Singapur, USA , Alemania y China, presenta un PIB per cápita de un poco más de 2 mil dólares, pero con una deuda externa elevada de casi 46 millones de dólares, o sea casi el 10% de su PIB anual expresado en dólares de más de 525 millones de dólares (año 2.004).
El país gasta el 16% de su presupuesto en defensa militar, pero con un ejército formado por un 48% de paramilitares y el 52% restante de un ejercito profesional.
Tailandia fue el antiguo Siam con un origen en el siglo XI, cuando el pueblo Thai se instala en el territorio del sudeste asiático, al ser expulsados de China. El país adopta en su mayoría la religión Budista. El Reino de Siam se unifica en el año de 1350 pero su capital es destruida en el año de 1767 debido a la guerra con Birmania. Luego surge una nueva monarquía con su capital en Bangkok y el país lucha para no ser una colonia europea, aunque la Laos y Camboya fueron cedidos a Francia y parte de Malasia el Reino Unidos.
En el año de 1931 el país es sorprendido por un primer golpe de Estado para colocar un régimen constitucional. En el año de 1941 es país es ocupado por tropas japonesas y entonces aparece una resistencia anti-japonesa. En la década de los años 60 y 70 el país controlado por los militares vuelven a experimentar varios golpes de Estado y durante la Guerra de Vietnam USA coloca en el país su bases militares. Luego, es a partir del año de 1975 y con inversiones occidentales cunado la economía del país se fortalece y ya para el año de 1988 existe un gobierno democrático con el primer Ministro Chatichai Chunjavan, pero al surgir rivalidades con la cúpula militar recibe el país de nuevo otro golpe de Estado en el año de 1991 liderado por el general Sunthom Kongsompong y se nombra un nuevo primer ministro: Anand Panyarachun.
El país sigue luchando por consolidar su democracia y durante el año de 1992 se forma un nuevo gobierno con la presencia del Primer Ministro Narong Wongwan, aliado a los grupos de militares con poder, pero al ser acusado de tener vínculos con el narcotráfico es separado del gobierno y es sustituido por Suchinda Krapayun, comandante de las fuerzas armadas. Este nombramiento provoca muchas protestar liderizadas por el opositor general Chamiong Srimaung y fue la masacre del 18 de mayo del año de 1992 con más de 100 muertos la que hace que el Rey Bhumibol promueve una reunión para conciliar a Chamiong con Suchinda y además pedir la renuncia de este último. Se forma un gobierno provisional bajo la dirección de Anand Panyarachun y de nuevo se solidifica la fuerzas opositoras dirigida por Chuan Likpai como Primer Ministro.
En el año de 1996 el primer Ministro Chaovalit Young Chaisyudh, del partido Nueva Aspiración, asume el gobierno, pero ya para el año de 1997 el país comienza una elevada crisis económica muy unida también a la llamada crisis asiática. La desconfianza en la economía del país es elevada y el país tiene que recurrir a los préstamos de estabilización del Fondo Monetario Internacional por más de 17 millones de dólares. Casi a finales del año de 1.997 el primer ministro Young renuncia al ser acusado de la crisis y asume Chuan Likpai, del partido Demócrata.
La crisis económica se agrava con un déficit presupuestario del 2% del PIB, lo cual obliga al gobierno a elevar los impuestos. Casi a finales de los años de 1999 el país comienza a recuperarse de su crisis económica con un crecimiento del PIB del 4,2% al año, la mitad de lo que había crecido en los primeros años de la década de los años 90.
Los diputados de la oposición presionan al gobierno de Likpai para que convoque de nuevo elecciones para enero del año 2001 y entonces obtiene la victoria Thaksin Shinawatra del partido Tailandeses Aman Tailandeses (TRT), un líder procesado por corrupción pero que luego fue absuelto por el Tribunal Constitucional. Los problemas de la economía de USA y el atentado del 11 de septiembre contra las Torres Gemelas, tienen impacto en la economía mundial y de nuevo en la economía de Tailandia, un país con una frontera desprotegida y con altos índices de tráfico de drogas apoyadas por las milicias del gobierno militar de Myanmar, la antigua Birmania hasta 1997. Surja otra crisis pero ahora entre Myamar y Tailandia, una lucha de poderes entre grupos armados y la crisis con Camboya. De nuevo el país combate con insurgentes islámicos en el sur del país. A finales del año 2004 el país sufre los embates tanto de la llamada Gripe Aviar como del Tsunami en el océano índico.
El 19 de septiembre el país se enfrenta de nuevo con otro golpe militar
La división social del país y la elevada corrupción han sido las dos justificaciones para dar el golpe de Estado. El golpe de Estado estuvo dirigido por el general Sondhi Boonyaratklin, pero los jefes de las tres ramas del ejercito le han propuesto al Rey un gabinete y como primer ministro al líder general Sorayud Chulanont. No obstante existe, por ahora, una transición política o poder ejecutivo colegiado, el cual ha convocado para reuniones políticas para 20 de septiembre. Mientras tanto, existe un control estricto con fuertes censuras a los medios de comunicación nacionales y del exterior. Se espera que para el mes de octubre no se lleven a cabo la elección general sino dentro de un año, pero mientras tanto el Rey legitima al Consejo de Reforma Administrativa y al general Sondhi Boonyaratklin, líder del golpe militar. Se espera que el orden democrático sea recuperado pronto y el respaldo al estado de derecho.
Detrás de las causas de este golpe de estado están las decisiones del Primer Ministro Thaksin Shinawatra para destituir al comandante de la región de Bangkok y debido a que algunos miembros de la Comisión Electoral intentaron apoyar ilícitamente al multimillonario Shinawatra, líder del partido Thai Rak Thai.
Ahora habrá que esperar un año más para conocer el futuro político de Tailandia; pero mientras Tailanda no vuelva sus ojos a los políticos civiles y siga con militares políticos, siempre habrá ineficiencia de las principales decisiones y siempre habrá elevada corruptela. Zapatero a tu zapato...
martes, septiembre 19, 2006
Gente del Siglo XXI repudia la visita de Iran
EL Observatorio Anti-totalitario Hannah Arendt repudia visita del presidente iraní Mahmud Ahmadinejad e invita a los amantes de la Paz y el Pluralismo a estampar su firma en este manifiesto. El manifiesto y las firmas que aparecenrán en el Dairio El Nacional también se puede ver en este blog.
China y el control de Internet
Behind the Great Firewall
Foreign companies complicit in Chinese Internet censorship
Ronald Schaefer
What is Manichaeism and who is a Bodhisattva?
Like most people these days, I am looking for the answers to these or other questions on Wikipedia, undoubtedly one of the most frequented websites of our time. But unlike most of its users, I first have to activate my browser's proxy server before the world's accumulated knowledge will appear on my computer screen. That is because I currently live in China, a country that heavily controls which websites its inhabitants can access, and which they can't. Unfortunately, Wikipedia belongs to a long list of blocked sites in China, and some of its contents remain miraculously hidden even when using a proxy server.
Wikipedia could be the most prominent victim of Chinese Internet censorship. Most foreign news organizations' websites are accessible, however, with the BBC website being a notable exception. Most Chinese users will read their news on homegrown websites anyway, making Chinese web portals more and more popular. QQ.com was recently ranked as the fifth most trafficked site in the world, and Sina.com followed closely behind at seventh place.
The enormous task of controlling the multitude of electronic information circling around the globe every day lies firmly in the hands of China's own Internet police, which reportedly employs as many as 50,000 state agents. They frequently erase critical comments on popular bulletin boards and occasionally even arrest people who publish untolerated opinions online.
The Great Firewall of China (known as the Golden Shield Project on the mainland) helps the government to block websites by preventing IP addresses from being routed through, and through selective DNS poisoning when particular sites are requested.
Ironically, some of the world's major Internet companies, normally ardent supporters of free speech, support this system of censorship. The American company Cisco Systems sold more than 200 routers to the Chinese government in the summer of 2005, thereby greatly enhancing the government's technological censoring ability. The Chinese version of the popular Skype software, a pioneer in the field of Internet telephony, is configured to automatically censor sensitive words in text chats without informing the user.
The corporate heavyweight Microsoft censors the content of its blog service MSN Spaces. They explicitly censored searches and blog titles to avoid sensitive political topics and even deleted or blocked whole blogs. Even Google cooperated with the Chinese authorities, agreeing to block websites that are illegal in China. Its Chinese search engine under www.google.cn is heavily censored, though not as much as the government-sponsored Baidu search engine.
Yahoo cooperated with the Chinese censors to the degree of releasing the identity of private users to the Chinese authorities. Four prominent Chinese government critics, Shi Tao, Li Zhi, Jiang Lijun, and Wang Xiaoning were subsequently imprisoned and received heavy sentences.
Human Rights Watch, a renowned nongovernmental organization, recently strongly criticized all companies that cooperate with the Chinese authorities in terms of censorship, urging them
"to use all legal means to resist demands for censorship of searches, blogs, and web addresses. Companies should only comply with such demands if they are made via legally binding procedures that can be documented and after the company has exhausted all reasonable legal means to resist them."
HRW also called on the United States, the European Union and other jurisdictions to prohibit companies from storing private user data on Chinese web servers. Rebecca MacKinnon, a consultant to Human Rights Watch, argued,
"Western Internet companies are complicit in actively censoring political material without telling users what's happening and why... We believe that companies could act more ethically and still operate in China. It is time for Internet companies to decide whether they want to be part of the problem or part of the solution."
The blocking of certain websites is, however, not the only way for the Chinese government to restrict access to potentially sensitive information. Very often some unwanted information is simply erased, and sometimes even replaced with the official position of the Chinese government.
Since the country's Internet police could never monitor the entire Chinese web all by themselves, Chinese leaders have been trying to mobilize the masses to help with this monumental task. An initiative named "Let the Winds of a Civilized Internet Blow" was launched through which many schools, colleges, and Web portals now police their online grounds themselves. College bulletin boards especially are thoroughly monitored, very often even by the college's own students, and almost certainly without the knowledge of their peers. These student monitors don't only delete controversial comments, but also introduce politically correct themes for discussion.
Bulletin boards in China are a main source for information, especially for the growing majority of people who don't have a lot of trust in the official press anymore. Recently, some universities have started to block off-campus users from contributing to their bulletin boards and now require students to log in with their real names.
Some Chinese have found another medium to express their criticism, anger and frustration. In recent times, there has been a growing number of amateur videos online that parody socialist Chinese movie classics. Their popularity has skyrocketed in a relatively short time. It seemed that many Chinese appreciated the opportunity to express their frustrations in a funny way.
Now the Chinese government has released new regulations requiring all Internet video clips to be registered with the State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television, an organization charged with the censoring and licensing of movies and television shows. What's more, only specially authorized web portals will be allowed to distribute the videos from now on.
So what is the solution? Of course, it would be best if China would extend the privilege of censor-free Internet access to all of its citizens, and not only to the new Chinese students of Kean University. That American College's new branch in Zhejiang received the exclusive permission from the Chinese government to directly connect all their campus computers with their uncensored U.S. servers.
All other Chinese Internet users interested in unrestricted access to all the knowledge the web has to offer will have to continue using proxy servers or special software such as Anonymizer. That San Diego-based company recently started an Anti-Censorship operation, not funded by the American government, that allows Chinese Internet users to access blocked sites using its especially developed software. Every week or so, the software will be available for download under a different Internet address (to avoid blocking by the Chinese censors) and users, once registered, will receive weekly updates by e-mail.
The problem is that these websites are so elusive that I so far have been unable to find them. So if you know where the software is currently available for download or if you even have it yourself, please do this citizen reporter a favor and reply to this article.
©2006 OhmyNews
Foreign companies complicit in Chinese Internet censorship
Ronald Schaefer
What is Manichaeism and who is a Bodhisattva?
Like most people these days, I am looking for the answers to these or other questions on Wikipedia, undoubtedly one of the most frequented websites of our time. But unlike most of its users, I first have to activate my browser's proxy server before the world's accumulated knowledge will appear on my computer screen. That is because I currently live in China, a country that heavily controls which websites its inhabitants can access, and which they can't. Unfortunately, Wikipedia belongs to a long list of blocked sites in China, and some of its contents remain miraculously hidden even when using a proxy server.
Wikipedia could be the most prominent victim of Chinese Internet censorship. Most foreign news organizations' websites are accessible, however, with the BBC website being a notable exception. Most Chinese users will read their news on homegrown websites anyway, making Chinese web portals more and more popular. QQ.com was recently ranked as the fifth most trafficked site in the world, and Sina.com followed closely behind at seventh place.
The enormous task of controlling the multitude of electronic information circling around the globe every day lies firmly in the hands of China's own Internet police, which reportedly employs as many as 50,000 state agents. They frequently erase critical comments on popular bulletin boards and occasionally even arrest people who publish untolerated opinions online.
The Great Firewall of China (known as the Golden Shield Project on the mainland) helps the government to block websites by preventing IP addresses from being routed through, and through selective DNS poisoning when particular sites are requested.
Ironically, some of the world's major Internet companies, normally ardent supporters of free speech, support this system of censorship. The American company Cisco Systems sold more than 200 routers to the Chinese government in the summer of 2005, thereby greatly enhancing the government's technological censoring ability. The Chinese version of the popular Skype software, a pioneer in the field of Internet telephony, is configured to automatically censor sensitive words in text chats without informing the user.
The corporate heavyweight Microsoft censors the content of its blog service MSN Spaces. They explicitly censored searches and blog titles to avoid sensitive political topics and even deleted or blocked whole blogs. Even Google cooperated with the Chinese authorities, agreeing to block websites that are illegal in China. Its Chinese search engine under www.google.cn is heavily censored, though not as much as the government-sponsored Baidu search engine.
Yahoo cooperated with the Chinese censors to the degree of releasing the identity of private users to the Chinese authorities. Four prominent Chinese government critics, Shi Tao, Li Zhi, Jiang Lijun, and Wang Xiaoning were subsequently imprisoned and received heavy sentences.
Human Rights Watch, a renowned nongovernmental organization, recently strongly criticized all companies that cooperate with the Chinese authorities in terms of censorship, urging them
"to use all legal means to resist demands for censorship of searches, blogs, and web addresses. Companies should only comply with such demands if they are made via legally binding procedures that can be documented and after the company has exhausted all reasonable legal means to resist them."
HRW also called on the United States, the European Union and other jurisdictions to prohibit companies from storing private user data on Chinese web servers. Rebecca MacKinnon, a consultant to Human Rights Watch, argued,
"Western Internet companies are complicit in actively censoring political material without telling users what's happening and why... We believe that companies could act more ethically and still operate in China. It is time for Internet companies to decide whether they want to be part of the problem or part of the solution."
The blocking of certain websites is, however, not the only way for the Chinese government to restrict access to potentially sensitive information. Very often some unwanted information is simply erased, and sometimes even replaced with the official position of the Chinese government.
Since the country's Internet police could never monitor the entire Chinese web all by themselves, Chinese leaders have been trying to mobilize the masses to help with this monumental task. An initiative named "Let the Winds of a Civilized Internet Blow" was launched through which many schools, colleges, and Web portals now police their online grounds themselves. College bulletin boards especially are thoroughly monitored, very often even by the college's own students, and almost certainly without the knowledge of their peers. These student monitors don't only delete controversial comments, but also introduce politically correct themes for discussion.
Bulletin boards in China are a main source for information, especially for the growing majority of people who don't have a lot of trust in the official press anymore. Recently, some universities have started to block off-campus users from contributing to their bulletin boards and now require students to log in with their real names.
Some Chinese have found another medium to express their criticism, anger and frustration. In recent times, there has been a growing number of amateur videos online that parody socialist Chinese movie classics. Their popularity has skyrocketed in a relatively short time. It seemed that many Chinese appreciated the opportunity to express their frustrations in a funny way.
Now the Chinese government has released new regulations requiring all Internet video clips to be registered with the State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television, an organization charged with the censoring and licensing of movies and television shows. What's more, only specially authorized web portals will be allowed to distribute the videos from now on.
So what is the solution? Of course, it would be best if China would extend the privilege of censor-free Internet access to all of its citizens, and not only to the new Chinese students of Kean University. That American College's new branch in Zhejiang received the exclusive permission from the Chinese government to directly connect all their campus computers with their uncensored U.S. servers.
All other Chinese Internet users interested in unrestricted access to all the knowledge the web has to offer will have to continue using proxy servers or special software such as Anonymizer. That San Diego-based company recently started an Anti-Censorship operation, not funded by the American government, that allows Chinese Internet users to access blocked sites using its especially developed software. Every week or so, the software will be available for download under a different Internet address (to avoid blocking by the Chinese censors) and users, once registered, will receive weekly updates by e-mail.
The problem is that these websites are so elusive that I so far have been unable to find them. So if you know where the software is currently available for download or if you even have it yourself, please do this citizen reporter a favor and reply to this article.
©2006 OhmyNews
lunes, septiembre 18, 2006
El Fraude Electoral según PRINCETON UNIVERSITY
El enlace que he colocado arriba aparece un detallado artículo en inglés que viene de la prestigiosa Universidad de Princeton sobre el fraude elctoral digitalizado. Aunque este asunto es bien conocido en Venzuela y nos ha tocado vivirlo de cerca, vale la pena analizar la manera en que se prepara el software y la máquina para cambiar el voto sagrado de los ciudadanos.
"The Clash of Civilizations?"
SAMUEL P. HUNTINGTON, "The Clash of Civilizations?" Foreign Affairs Summer 1993, 72/3.
S.P. H is the Eaton Professor of the Science of Government and Director of the John M. Olin Institute for Strategic Studies at Harvard University.
WORLD POLITICS IS entering a new phase, and intellectuals have not hesitated to proliferate visions of what it will be -- the end of history, the return of traditional rivalries between nation states, and the decline of the nation state from the conflicting pulls of tribalism and globalism, among others. Each of these visions catches aspects of the emerging reality. Yet they all miss a crucial, indeed a central, aspect of what global politics is likely to be in the coming years.
It is my hypothesis that the fundamental source of conflict in this new world will not be primarily ideological or primarily economic. The great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural. Nation states will remain the most powerful actors in world affairs, but the principal conflicts of global politics will occur between nations and groups of different civilizations. The clash of civilizations will be the battle lines of the future.
Conflict between civilizations will be the latest phase of the evolution of conflict in the modern world. For a century and a half after the emergence of the modern international system of the Peace of Westphalia, the conflicts of the Western world were largely among princes -- emperors, absolute monarchs and constitutional monarchs attempting to expand their bureaucracies, their armies, their mercantilist economic strength and, most important, the territory they ruled. In the process they created nation states, and beginning with the French Revolution the principal lines of conflict were between nations rather than princes. In 1793, as R. R. Palmer put it, "The wars of kings were over; the ward of peoples had begun." This nineteenth-century pattern lasted until the end of World War I. Then, as a result of the Russian Revolution and the reaction against it, the conflict of nations yielded to the conflict of ideologies, first among communism, fascism-Nazism and liberal democracy, and then between communism and liberal democracy. During the Cold War, this latter conflict became embodied in the struggle between the two superpowers, neither of which was a nation state in the classical European sense and each of which defined its identity in terms of ideology.
These conflicts between princes, nation states and ideologies were primarily conflicts within Western civilization, "Western civil wars," as William Lind has labeled them. This was as true of the Cold War as it was of the world wars and the earlier wars of the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. With the end of the Cold War, international politics moves out of its Western phase, and its center-piece becomes the interaction between the West and non-Western civilizations and among non-Western civilizations. In the politics of civilizations, the people and governments of non-Western civilizations no longer remain the objects of history as targets of Western colonialism but join the West as movers and shapers of history.
This is not to advocate the desirability of conflicts between civilizations. It is to set forth descriptive hypotheses as to what the future may be like. If these are plausible hypotheses, however, it is necessary to consider their implications for Western policy. These implications should be divided between short-term advantage and long-term accommodation. In the short term it is clearly in the interest of the West to promote greater cooperation and unity within its own civilization, particularly between its European and North American components; to incorporate into the West societies in Eastern Europe and Latin America whose cultures are close to those of the West; to promote and maintain cooperative relations with Russia and Japan; to prevent escalation of local inter-civilization conflicts into major inter-civilization wars; to limit the expansion of the military strength of Confucian and Islamic states; to moderate the reduction of counter military capabilities and maintain military superiority in East and Southwest Asia; to exploit differences and conflicts among Confucian and Islamic states; to support in other civilizations groups sympathetic to Western values and interests; to strengthen international institutions that reflect and legitimate Western interests and values and to promote the involvement of non-Western states in those institutions.
In the longer term other measures would be called for. Western civilization is both Western and modern. Non-Western civilizations have attempted to become modern without becoming Western. To date only Japan has fully succeeded in this quest. Non-Western civilization will continue to attempt to acquire the wealth, technology, skills, machines and weapons that are part of being modern. They will also attempt to reconcile this modernity with their traditional culture and values. Their economic and military strength relative to the West will increase. Hence the West will increasingly have to accommodate these non-Western modern civilizations whose power approaches that of the West but whose values and interests differ significantly from those of the West. This will require the West to maintain the economic and military power necessary to protect its interests in relation to these civilizations. It will also, however, require the West to develop a more profound understanding of the basic religious and philosophical assumptions underlying other civilizations and the ways in which people in those civilizations see their interests. It will require an effort to identify elements of commonality between Western and other civilizations. For the relevant future, there will be no universal civilization, but instead a world of different civilizations, each of which will have to learn to coexist with the others.
S.P. H is the Eaton Professor of the Science of Government and Director of the John M. Olin Institute for Strategic Studies at Harvard University.
WORLD POLITICS IS entering a new phase, and intellectuals have not hesitated to proliferate visions of what it will be -- the end of history, the return of traditional rivalries between nation states, and the decline of the nation state from the conflicting pulls of tribalism and globalism, among others. Each of these visions catches aspects of the emerging reality. Yet they all miss a crucial, indeed a central, aspect of what global politics is likely to be in the coming years.
It is my hypothesis that the fundamental source of conflict in this new world will not be primarily ideological or primarily economic. The great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural. Nation states will remain the most powerful actors in world affairs, but the principal conflicts of global politics will occur between nations and groups of different civilizations. The clash of civilizations will be the battle lines of the future.
Conflict between civilizations will be the latest phase of the evolution of conflict in the modern world. For a century and a half after the emergence of the modern international system of the Peace of Westphalia, the conflicts of the Western world were largely among princes -- emperors, absolute monarchs and constitutional monarchs attempting to expand their bureaucracies, their armies, their mercantilist economic strength and, most important, the territory they ruled. In the process they created nation states, and beginning with the French Revolution the principal lines of conflict were between nations rather than princes. In 1793, as R. R. Palmer put it, "The wars of kings were over; the ward of peoples had begun." This nineteenth-century pattern lasted until the end of World War I. Then, as a result of the Russian Revolution and the reaction against it, the conflict of nations yielded to the conflict of ideologies, first among communism, fascism-Nazism and liberal democracy, and then between communism and liberal democracy. During the Cold War, this latter conflict became embodied in the struggle between the two superpowers, neither of which was a nation state in the classical European sense and each of which defined its identity in terms of ideology.
These conflicts between princes, nation states and ideologies were primarily conflicts within Western civilization, "Western civil wars," as William Lind has labeled them. This was as true of the Cold War as it was of the world wars and the earlier wars of the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. With the end of the Cold War, international politics moves out of its Western phase, and its center-piece becomes the interaction between the West and non-Western civilizations and among non-Western civilizations. In the politics of civilizations, the people and governments of non-Western civilizations no longer remain the objects of history as targets of Western colonialism but join the West as movers and shapers of history.
This is not to advocate the desirability of conflicts between civilizations. It is to set forth descriptive hypotheses as to what the future may be like. If these are plausible hypotheses, however, it is necessary to consider their implications for Western policy. These implications should be divided between short-term advantage and long-term accommodation. In the short term it is clearly in the interest of the West to promote greater cooperation and unity within its own civilization, particularly between its European and North American components; to incorporate into the West societies in Eastern Europe and Latin America whose cultures are close to those of the West; to promote and maintain cooperative relations with Russia and Japan; to prevent escalation of local inter-civilization conflicts into major inter-civilization wars; to limit the expansion of the military strength of Confucian and Islamic states; to moderate the reduction of counter military capabilities and maintain military superiority in East and Southwest Asia; to exploit differences and conflicts among Confucian and Islamic states; to support in other civilizations groups sympathetic to Western values and interests; to strengthen international institutions that reflect and legitimate Western interests and values and to promote the involvement of non-Western states in those institutions.
In the longer term other measures would be called for. Western civilization is both Western and modern. Non-Western civilizations have attempted to become modern without becoming Western. To date only Japan has fully succeeded in this quest. Non-Western civilization will continue to attempt to acquire the wealth, technology, skills, machines and weapons that are part of being modern. They will also attempt to reconcile this modernity with their traditional culture and values. Their economic and military strength relative to the West will increase. Hence the West will increasingly have to accommodate these non-Western modern civilizations whose power approaches that of the West but whose values and interests differ significantly from those of the West. This will require the West to maintain the economic and military power necessary to protect its interests in relation to these civilizations. It will also, however, require the West to develop a more profound understanding of the basic religious and philosophical assumptions underlying other civilizations and the ways in which people in those civilizations see their interests. It will require an effort to identify elements of commonality between Western and other civilizations. For the relevant future, there will be no universal civilization, but instead a world of different civilizations, each of which will have to learn to coexist with the others.
lunes, septiembre 11, 2006
Venezuela: new electoral campaign
Venezuela, once again, is prepared for a new electoral campaign.
A gap between the populist speech and the reality
Alfredo Ascanio (askain)
According to The New York Times Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez spoke very badly of the capitalism and of USA, but that the commerce between these two countries grows therefore. Venezuela is the main petroleum-exporting country to USA and Venezuela is one of the main importers of products and services of USA. According to the business WorldCity, of Miami, this commerce grew in a 36% for the year 2.005. This commerce between USA and Venezuela is more or less 40.400 million dollars annual.
A gap between the populist speech exists and the reality of the commerce. The Venezuelan economy grew in a 9,6% in the first semester of this year.
This high growth is causing growing more the differences between rich and poor. The report of Simon Romero also suggested that: "New Porsches and Range Rovers crowd the streets wounds. Rents for to three-bedroom apartment in leafy districts like Altamira and Los Palos Grandes have doubled since January to $6,000 to month. But what most vividly illustrates Venezuela' s latest oil boom may be its Scotch whiskey you leave, which till soaring."
Nevertheless this year Venezuelan TV interrogated to the population of the average social class and poor then the truth appears immediately. The minimum salary of 230 dollars monthly does not reach for the purchases of the daily life. Besides the inflation of the 20% per year erodes the Venezuelan poor class purchase power, but nothing happened.
According to the last survey the 70% of the population indicates the main problems of the country:
-Unemployment
-Informal economy
-Delinquency
-Dwellings lack problems and of services of health
The base of the electoral campaign of the government will be the inauguration of physical works of projects that arose 10 years ago behind and that now they will be begun to function with the presence of the President Chavez.
Even, the social projects of Chavez, The Missions, have not been able to solve the serious problems of the social inequality.
The interviews that carry out the mass media in the poorest neighborhoods indicate that many families do not have hopes that the government of Chavez solve him its problems. That does not mean that all Venezuelan families, because some families that form the faithful group to the politics "revolutionary" (is believed that is a 20% of the total population) still have hopes in the speech of the leader and they are sure that in the future all can change.
The goal of improved this social problems in Venezuela will be reached only when a new government make a new and seek a negotiation with the voters to advance with another focus.
A gap between the populist speech and the reality
Alfredo Ascanio (askain)
According to The New York Times Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez spoke very badly of the capitalism and of USA, but that the commerce between these two countries grows therefore. Venezuela is the main petroleum-exporting country to USA and Venezuela is one of the main importers of products and services of USA. According to the business WorldCity, of Miami, this commerce grew in a 36% for the year 2.005. This commerce between USA and Venezuela is more or less 40.400 million dollars annual.
A gap between the populist speech exists and the reality of the commerce. The Venezuelan economy grew in a 9,6% in the first semester of this year.
This high growth is causing growing more the differences between rich and poor. The report of Simon Romero also suggested that: "New Porsches and Range Rovers crowd the streets wounds. Rents for to three-bedroom apartment in leafy districts like Altamira and Los Palos Grandes have doubled since January to $6,000 to month. But what most vividly illustrates Venezuela' s latest oil boom may be its Scotch whiskey you leave, which till soaring."
Nevertheless this year Venezuelan TV interrogated to the population of the average social class and poor then the truth appears immediately. The minimum salary of 230 dollars monthly does not reach for the purchases of the daily life. Besides the inflation of the 20% per year erodes the Venezuelan poor class purchase power, but nothing happened.
According to the last survey the 70% of the population indicates the main problems of the country:
-Unemployment
-Informal economy
-Delinquency
-Dwellings lack problems and of services of health
The base of the electoral campaign of the government will be the inauguration of physical works of projects that arose 10 years ago behind and that now they will be begun to function with the presence of the President Chavez.
Even, the social projects of Chavez, The Missions, have not been able to solve the serious problems of the social inequality.
The interviews that carry out the mass media in the poorest neighborhoods indicate that many families do not have hopes that the government of Chavez solve him its problems. That does not mean that all Venezuelan families, because some families that form the faithful group to the politics "revolutionary" (is believed that is a 20% of the total population) still have hopes in the speech of the leader and they are sure that in the future all can change.
The goal of improved this social problems in Venezuela will be reached only when a new government make a new and seek a negotiation with the voters to advance with another focus.
jueves, septiembre 07, 2006
The Truth About Castro's Health
The Truth About Castro's Health
Cuba: He is recovering. USA: He has cancer. Who is telling the truth?
Alfredo Ascanio (askain)
Published 2006-09-07
In Cuba, the Communist Party has said the worse is over for Fidel Castro. Now, he is recovering.
But an intelligence agency in the United States reports that the Cuban leader has cancer, in the stomach and in the liver, and that he probably doesn't have long to live.
Nevertheless, Castro will preside at the 14th Conference of Nonaligned Countries that is to take place in Havana the second week of September.
Castro, 18 kg lighter and still very weak, will be hard put to welcome the 50 presidents and delegations from the 116 member countries.
He will be Temporary Chief of State like Raul Castro and play the roll of main host.
The health of a president is always a state secret when the information can be used for aims not revealed to the public, especially when a country happens to be in a difficult situation, like preparing to delegate power.
The meeting of the nonaligned countries will also serve as a good time to disclose a new book, "Fidel Castro, a two-voiced biography," written by French journalist Ignacio Ramonet from a long interview Castro gave him.
It will surely serve to advance Ramonet's book before a new one appears post-mortem.
Politics, the science of control and power, does not leave anything in the open, especially in Cuba, where politics resides with an intimate circle formed by Fidel Castro, Raul Castro, Ricardo Alarcon, Carlos Lage Davila, Felipe Perez Roque, Jose Ramon Balaguer, and the ideologists of the Communist Party, Cuban Esteban Lazo and Jose Future Machado.
©2006 OhmyNews
Cuba: He is recovering. USA: He has cancer. Who is telling the truth?
Alfredo Ascanio (askain)
Published 2006-09-07
In Cuba, the Communist Party has said the worse is over for Fidel Castro. Now, he is recovering.
But an intelligence agency in the United States reports that the Cuban leader has cancer, in the stomach and in the liver, and that he probably doesn't have long to live.
Nevertheless, Castro will preside at the 14th Conference of Nonaligned Countries that is to take place in Havana the second week of September.
Castro, 18 kg lighter and still very weak, will be hard put to welcome the 50 presidents and delegations from the 116 member countries.
He will be Temporary Chief of State like Raul Castro and play the roll of main host.
The health of a president is always a state secret when the information can be used for aims not revealed to the public, especially when a country happens to be in a difficult situation, like preparing to delegate power.
The meeting of the nonaligned countries will also serve as a good time to disclose a new book, "Fidel Castro, a two-voiced biography," written by French journalist Ignacio Ramonet from a long interview Castro gave him.
It will surely serve to advance Ramonet's book before a new one appears post-mortem.
Politics, the science of control and power, does not leave anything in the open, especially in Cuba, where politics resides with an intimate circle formed by Fidel Castro, Raul Castro, Ricardo Alarcon, Carlos Lage Davila, Felipe Perez Roque, Jose Ramon Balaguer, and the ideologists of the Communist Party, Cuban Esteban Lazo and Jose Future Machado.
©2006 OhmyNews
miércoles, agosto 30, 2006
martes, agosto 29, 2006
Reporteros ciudadanos de OhmyNews
Reporteros ciudadanos de OhmyNews
La experiencia de un ciudadano que no es periodista
El leguaje periodístico ya no es visto como una herramienta para la comunicación sino como una revelación para contraer un compromiso. El pensamiento y la intuición se unen en el periodismo ciudadano. Este periodismo ciudadano es una manera de conversar , es una acción social expresada en deseos o compromisos de acción futura, de evidencias. En este periodismo se afirma, se declara. Se afirma para que lo reportado sea o no creíble, sea o no justificable, pero el que reporta se compromete a mantener su verdad basada en su propia experiencia o en su propia definición.
Los contenidos luego son editados por un profesional pues el reportero ciudadano esta interactuando con el staff de la empresa editora. Es una cadena de medios y fines: la promesa de reportar algo según determinadas reglas y estilos, es decir: compromisos articulados.
Según mi propia opinión lo que interesa principalmente es el ambiente de trabajo donde los aspectos cooperativos resulten mutuamente declarados y dominen sobre los aspectos competitivos. Los intereses totales son compartidos .En resumen, un mecanismo de comunicación que se basa en la confianza mutua y la responsabilidad según normas compartidas.
Cuando la historia la cuenta un ciudadano local lo hace en base a su propia cultura y a veces esa visión puede ser diferente a la manera en que es contada la historia por un reportero que proviene de otro contexto.
Mi historia es mi agenda cívica; es mi propia noticia para conectarme con otros utilizando la tecnología digital.
La experiencia de un ciudadano que no es periodista
El leguaje periodístico ya no es visto como una herramienta para la comunicación sino como una revelación para contraer un compromiso. El pensamiento y la intuición se unen en el periodismo ciudadano. Este periodismo ciudadano es una manera de conversar , es una acción social expresada en deseos o compromisos de acción futura, de evidencias. En este periodismo se afirma, se declara. Se afirma para que lo reportado sea o no creíble, sea o no justificable, pero el que reporta se compromete a mantener su verdad basada en su propia experiencia o en su propia definición.
Los contenidos luego son editados por un profesional pues el reportero ciudadano esta interactuando con el staff de la empresa editora. Es una cadena de medios y fines: la promesa de reportar algo según determinadas reglas y estilos, es decir: compromisos articulados.
Según mi propia opinión lo que interesa principalmente es el ambiente de trabajo donde los aspectos cooperativos resulten mutuamente declarados y dominen sobre los aspectos competitivos. Los intereses totales son compartidos .En resumen, un mecanismo de comunicación que se basa en la confianza mutua y la responsabilidad según normas compartidas.
Cuando la historia la cuenta un ciudadano local lo hace en base a su propia cultura y a veces esa visión puede ser diferente a la manera en que es contada la historia por un reportero que proviene de otro contexto.
Mi historia es mi agenda cívica; es mi propia noticia para conectarme con otros utilizando la tecnología digital.
miércoles, agosto 23, 2006
Internet y el periodismo conocido
En el vínculo de arriba se puede entender la importancia de INTERNET y el nuevo periodismo. Y estos dos vínculo son importantes, porque se refieren al periodismo de ciudadano en Korea y en Japón:
Citizen Journalism
CITIZEN JOURNALISM IN JAPAN
lunes, agosto 21, 2006
La prensa arabe ALJAZEERA toma posicion
La prensa árabe ALJAZEERA toma posición con respecto a Chávez. En el enlace de arriba aparecen dos reportajes uno sobre Chávez y el mundo árabe y otro sobre Chávez y Alan García presidente del Perú.
sábado, agosto 19, 2006
Vamos a oir algo de musica...
El enlace de arriba es de Gorillaz...una hoja web premiada. Vale la pena conocerla y oir allí un poco de música.
jueves, agosto 17, 2006
Ver este diario digital V-Crisis
Arriba aparece el enlace del diario digital V-Crisis y allí aparece el video de la reciente visita de Hugo Chávez a su amigo Fidel Castro una vez que se empezaba a recuperar y el día en que cumpliía sus 80 años de edad.
Arrives appears the connection of the digital newspaper V-Crisis and there it appears the video of the recent visit of Hugo Chavez to its Fidel Castro friend once one began to recover and the day in which by fulfilled its 80 years of age.
هو يصل يظهر التوصيل من الرقميّة جريدة [ف-كريسس] وهناك يظهر هو الفيديو من الزيارة أخيرة هيقو شافيز إلى ه فيديل كاسترو صديقة ما إن واحدة بدأ أن يستردّ واليوم في أيّ جانبا أنجز ه 80 [ير وف ج] عيّن [ألفردو] @ 12:02 صباحا. 0 تعليقات
Het komt lijkt de verbinding van de digitale kranten v-Crisis aan en er het verschijnt de video van het recente bezoek van Hugo Chavez aan zijn vriend van Fidel Castro zodra één begon terug te krijgen en de dag waarin door vervulde zijn 80 jaar oud
Chega aparece a conexão da V-Crise digital do jornal e lá aparece o vídeo da visita recente de Hugo Chavez a seu amigo de Fidel Castro uma vez que um começou a recuperar e o dia em que cumpriu perto seus 80 anos
Arrives appears the connection of the digital newspaper V-Crisis and there it appears the video of the recent visit of Hugo Chavez to its Fidel Castro friend once one began to recover and the day in which by fulfilled its 80 years of age.
هو يصل يظهر التوصيل من الرقميّة جريدة [ف-كريسس] وهناك يظهر هو الفيديو من الزيارة أخيرة هيقو شافيز إلى ه فيديل كاسترو صديقة ما إن واحدة بدأ أن يستردّ واليوم في أيّ جانبا أنجز ه 80 [ير وف ج] عيّن [ألفردو] @ 12:02 صباحا. 0 تعليقات
Het komt lijkt de verbinding van de digitale kranten v-Crisis aan en er het verschijnt de video van het recente bezoek van Hugo Chavez aan zijn vriend van Fidel Castro zodra één begon terug te krijgen en de dag waarin door vervulde zijn 80 jaar oud
Chega aparece a conexão da V-Crise digital do jornal e lá aparece o vídeo da visita recente de Hugo Chavez a seu amigo de Fidel Castro uma vez que um começou a recuperar e o dia em que cumpriu perto seus 80 anos
martes, agosto 15, 2006
Stellarium
Es un excelente software free para PC, MAC y Linux con el objeto de ver el cielo y sus constelaciones.
domingo, agosto 13, 2006
La Guia de Buscadores de Thomson
Thonson Foundation ha colocado un libro completo escrito por Martin Huckerby con el nombre de A PRACTICAL GUIDE TO THE INTERNET FOR JOURNALISTS IN DEVELOPING COUTRIES (Una guía prática para Internet y para periodistas en países en vías de desarrollo). La guía tiene 25 temas desarrollados y 10 tips que se han sugerido. El autor es un peridista que ha desarrollado su carrera en Londres como un reportero y editor de noticias con The Times, Foreign News Editor y The Observer y ha sido consultor en guías para periodistas en muchos países de europa central y asia.
Los 10 tips para una mejor búsqueda en Internet que este editor recomienda son:
1. Use more words in your search – try six or eight
2. Use an exact phrase (when it is likely to be in the pages you seek)
3. Use quotation marks around phrases and full names
4. Choose unusual search words
5. Choose nouns and objects, in preference to verbs, or other types of word
6. Put the most important term first among the search words
7. Check your spelling (it's the biggest problem among searchers)
8. Turn off images in your web browser, so pages load faster
9. Do not believe all you read on the net – check anything doubtful
10. You cannot find everything on the net – be ready to look elsewhere
Existen otros 10 tips que nos ofrece Spencer Crichley en su artículo10 JOURNALISM TIPS
Estos tips se refieren a los contenidos de lo escrito, desarrollar buenas ideas,eliminar adjetivos y adverbios en lo posible, edidentificar las fuentes y los hechos para diferenciarlos de las opiniones, etc...
Los editores de OHMYNEWS han publicado también un artículo que lo titularon Journalism As a Conversation. Este artículo
hacer click aquí toca el asunto sobre la técnica de reportaje.
Los 10 tips para una mejor búsqueda en Internet que este editor recomienda son:
1. Use more words in your search – try six or eight
2. Use an exact phrase (when it is likely to be in the pages you seek)
3. Use quotation marks around phrases and full names
4. Choose unusual search words
5. Choose nouns and objects, in preference to verbs, or other types of word
6. Put the most important term first among the search words
7. Check your spelling (it's the biggest problem among searchers)
8. Turn off images in your web browser, so pages load faster
9. Do not believe all you read on the net – check anything doubtful
10. You cannot find everything on the net – be ready to look elsewhere
Existen otros 10 tips que nos ofrece Spencer Crichley en su artículo
Estos tips se refieren a los contenidos de lo escrito, desarrollar buenas ideas,eliminar adjetivos y adverbios en lo posible, edidentificar las fuentes y los hechos para diferenciarlos de las opiniones, etc...
Los editores de OHMYNEWS han publicado también un artículo que lo titularon Journalism As a Conversation. Este artículo
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