BEIJING: Dragón del Asia

"One World one dream" es el emblema de la página oficial de los Juegos Olímpicos de Beijing 2008 como aparece en seguida:

AQUI

. Pero si hacen Click arriba pueden encontrar un BLOG dedicado a lo que pasará en esos juegos deportivo. Y como la capital de China hay que conocerla y familiarizarse con ella, vamos a ver también este sitio WEB que se llama :

CHINA

China: las olimpíadas y sus problemas actuales

China se prepara para las Olimpíadas pero ha tenido dos problemas para cumplir con ese deseo importante; su primer problema es el TIBET pues la antorcha de los Juegos también tiene que pasar por ese lugar, un sitio que quiere la INDEPENDENCIA de China y que en estos últimos días ha recibido una represión brutal del gobierno Chino. El otro problema es lo que se llama el MAQUILLAJE de la ciudad para lograr una imagen positiva de sus visitantes. Si bien es cierto que en las ciudades que han servido de huéspedes apara ese evento han tratado también de embellecerse como lo hizo Seúl, Barcelona, Atlanta, Sydney, Atenas, Londres y Pekín, aquí en China el asunto para lograr se ha hecho con muchos desmanes y abusos de los derechos humanos. Trece mil personas al mes están siendo desalojadas en Pekín para atender las necesitas de la Olimpíada del mes de agosto.

Por ejemplo a pocos metros de la Ciudad Imperial , o sea: en el casco antiguo de los Hutong las muy viejas y tradicionales casas de madera están siendo restauradas y vendidas a precios altísimos, pero sus ocupantes afectados no reciben ninguna compensación. Han habido en Pekín hasta ahora más de 300.000 desalojos y los afectados superan el millón y medio de habitantes. Estos desalojos compulsivos ha generado mucho descontento, por ejemplo 6.000 casas fueron demolidas para construir 9 estadios y si para mostrar la cara lavada de una ciudad se necesita el costo de producir marginalidad, entonces la relación Beneficios / Costos será muy negativa y censurable. Recordemos que este mismo problema se le presentó en Italia a Musolini con la Olimpíadas en Roma para el año 1944, que no se llevó a cabo debido al estallido de la guerra.

Dicen que Shangai (China) es la urbe con mayor crecimiento en ete siglo

Y para comprobarlo puedes hacer CLICK en el enlace de arriba... a disfrutar el espacio urbano de Shangai...

China Makes, The World Takes

The Atlantic Monthly | July/August 2007

China Makes, The World Takes
by James Fallows

A look inside the world’s manufacturing center shows that America should welcome China’s rise—for now.

And a data that, certainly, calls the attention is the Foxconn company - that was founded by the Taiwanese Terry Guo- the one who has 240 thousand workers. We are speaking of a factory, city, dormitory, all together.

Most of the employees work 12 hours daily in two turns and their pays are around the US$115 to the month. For us this salary can seem to low, but for the Chinese that comes from the rural area it seems that he is worth the effort to them.

In that sense, Fallows considers that at the moment Shenzhen is like Chicago in the middle of century XIX.

Another data that calls the attention is the case of Liam Casey, an Irish young person whose offices at the hotel Sheraton Four Points of this city. Casey dedicates itself to outsourcing, that is to say, to connect the Chinese world with the western one. It makes businesses by US$125 million to the year.

The author also visited a company that is called Inventec that produces 32 thousands laptops to the day, and is not the unique thing that does.

Other companies that make laptops in China are Quanta, Compal, Wistron and Asustek.

Follows says that the power of China is in the manufacture, and soon he prepares photos in the city of Shenzhen.

CHINA

SHENZHEN

MULTIMEDIA ABOUT CHINA

El nuevo modelo económico de China

Fernando Flores desde Chile nos comenta sobre China y sobre su modelo económico. Ver el link de arriba con la opinión del economista Stiglitz.Arriba aparece la foto de Joseph Stiglitz : Nobel laureate in economics. His latest book is Making Globalization Work.

El nuevo modelo económico de China
Enviado por Fernando Flores el Mar, 2007-04-24 16:52

Continuando con los artículos sobre la situación económica de China, en Project-Syndicate encontré este artículo que escribió el premio Nobel Joseph E. Stiglitz:

El nuevo modelo económico de China

El éxito de China desde que iniciara su transición a una economía de mercado se ha basado en estrategias y políticas flexibles: a medida que se soluciona cada conjunto de problemas, surgen otros nuevos para los que es necesario idear nuevas políticas y estrategias. Este proceso incluye una innovación social. China logró reconocer que no podía sencillamente transferir instituciones económicas que habían funcionado en otros países; al menos, lo que había funcionado en otras partes del planeta debía adaptarse a los problemas específicos que la nación enfrentaba.

Hoy China debate un “nuevo modelo económico”. Por supuesto, el modelo económico antiguo ha sido un éxito resonante, generando casi un 10% de crecimiento anual a lo largo de 30 años y sacando de la pobreza a cientos de millones de chinos. Los cambios son evidentes no sólo en las estadísticas, sino aún más en los rostros de la gente con que uno se cruza al recorrer diferentes zonas del país.

Hace poco visité una remota aldea Dong en las montañas de Quizho, una de las provincias más pobres de China, a kilómetros del camino pavimentado más cercano; sin embargo, tenía electricidad, y con ella no sólo había llegado la televisión, sino también la Internet. Si bien parte del aumento de los ingresos correspondía a remesas enviadas por miembros de la familia que habían migrado a ciudades de la costa, los campesinos también disfrutaban de una mejor situación, con nuevas cosechas y mejores semillas: el gobierno les vendía a crédito semillas de alta calidad con un índice garantizado de germinación.

(Today Chinese it debates a “new economic model”. By all means, the old economic model has been a resonant success, generating almost a 10% of annual growth throughout 30 years and removing from the poverty to hundreds of million of Chinese. The changes are evident not only in the statistics, but still more in the faces of people whereupon one it crosses when crossing different zones from the country).

What China Might Have Been

What China Might Have Been

Mark Oneill
12 March 2007

Zhao Ziyang’s thoughts, available in a new book, point to his vision of change in China. The deposed Party Chief supported more elections, party democracy, and accountability

Image Speaking from the grave, a remarkable Chinese political figure is calling for drastic changes in the Communist Party, including the elimination of the post of party chief, the abolition of party branches in ministries and companies, the introduction of independent trade unions and direct popular election of officials up to the city level.

In life, Zhao Ziyang, who was prime minister and party general secretary for nine years until he was purged after he refused to sanction the crackdown and massacre of protesters in Tiananmen Square in 1989, was an unpleasant reality for Beijing, a popular reformer who was kept under house arrest until he died in January 2005.

In death, he is responsible for one of the most outspoken documents to come out of China since 1949 – a 300,000-word record of Zhao’s conversations from 1991 to 2004 with a close friend during his captivity. The Chinese language book, which appeared in Hong Kong bookstores this month, is called “Zhao Ziyang: Captive Conversations.”

It is almost unimaginable that the book will be allowed into the mainland.

Had his prescriptions been followed, today’s China might be a far different place. There would have been no all powerful Jiang Zemin and no similarly iron-handed Hu Jintao. Media would be freer, local elections a matter of routine and workers able to negotiate with their employers. The Communist Party would be in power but as an organization with more accountability to the people it governs.

“For China to modernize, it must move toward democratic politics,” Zhao says in a 1994 conversation recorded in the book. “This gives me great inspiration. In the East, be it Taiwan or South Korea, countries have moved from dictatorships to parliamentary democracy and many parties. This is a trend which is irresistible and no country can be an exception.”

It is the first time since the party was founded in 1921 that a senior leader has given an honest, uncensored account of his life and opinions. It is the more stunning because, unlike all but one previous party general-secretary dismissed from office, Zhao refused to recant and admit his mistakes, which is why his successors detained him at his courtyard home in Beijing and cut him off from the world.

Selected works by other party leaders have been carefully edited by official censors before being published and are trimmed to meet the party orthodoxy of the day.

The author of the book, Zong Fengming, 87, a party member since 1938 who rose to senior official posts has reportedly been pressured by the authorities since the book's publication. From 1991 to 2004, Zong visited Zhao more than 100 times, posing as a teacher of Qi Gong. While Zhao spoke, Zong took notes and collected them at home, before having them published by the Kaifang (Open) magazine of Hong Kong.

Mainland authorities have told Zong to get the book off the shelves, according to the South China Morning Post.

"They [the officials] wanted me to sign a guarantee that I would co-operate with them," 87-year-old Zong said, according to the Post. "But I refused although I admitted that I am the author of the book." It is unclear what action, if any, they will take against him.

In the post-Mao era, Zhao was the most important Chinese leader after Deng Xiaoping, introducing reforms in agriculture, industry and ownership that form the basis for the economy’s success over the last 25 years. The two men worked closely together until the tragedy of 1989.

Deng supported martial law and the use of the military to end the student protest: “A Communist Party that does not crush the masses is certainly not a Marxist Communist Party,” he once said.

Zhao opposed martial law and said that negotiations were the only way to end the stand-off with the students. “A Communist Party that crushes the masses is certainly not the Communist Party wanted by the Chinese people,” he retorted.

After the bloodbath, Zhao was ordered to admit his mistakes, as is normal with dismissed leaders. After asking his family if they would bear the consequences of his refusal and receiving their support, he refused to change his views. As punishment, he was detained until his death on January 17, 2005, probably from multiple strokes. As a ‘banned’ person, his writings and photograph never appeared in the official media.

In the book, Zhao says that his greatest regret was not to implement reforms of the political system outlined by Deng, a strong supporter of Zhao until the protests of spring 1989. “I apologize to the people for leaving so much unfinished.”

By this, Zhao means abolishing the post of general-secretary of the Communist Party and replacing it with a one-year rotating chairmanship by members of the Politburo’s standing committee. He considered that the post gave too much power to one person and perpetuated the cult of the personality.

He proposed splitting the government from the party by abolishing party offices in government ministries and companies, and making public the drawing up of the budget, the operations of government.

“The party has far too many branches, interfering in the government and civic organizations,” he tells Zong on July 30, 1994. “The party even interferes in all aspects of an individual’s life, even his private life.”

He also proposes independent trade unions and farmers’ organizations, freedom of speech, direct elections for village, county and city leaders and more democracy within the party.

He says that China cannot adopt the U.S. system of three branches of power nor a western-style parliamentary system, because the Communist Party must retain its leading role. If it fell, there would be a power vacuum and chaos. But under that condition, “we must diversify our economic, political and social life and allow the expression of all kinds of different opinions. Having a single opinion is no longer possible.

With hindsight, Zhao regrets that he did not use his time in power, from 1980 to 1989, a period of relative social stability during which the economy was growing at a rapid pace, to implement such reforms.

After 1989, the hard-line wing of the party won and thousands of officials and academics sympathetic to Zhao were purged or exiled. Supported by Deng, the hard-liners decided that political reform and liberalization of the media threatened the party’s survival and went the other way, a policy intensified by Hu Jintao, who became party chief in 2002.

In a foreword to the book, one of Zhao’s strongest supporters, Mao Zedong’s former secretary Li Rui, shares his view on the military crackdown. “The result of Deng’s decision has been to create a market economy that is steeped in corruption, a capitalism in which high officials have unlimited power, leading to the trading of power for money and social injustice,” he writes. “This has exacerbated conflicts in society, between officials and the public, rich and poor, city and countryside. If these conflicts develop, it could create all kinds of social crises.”

Those conflicts can be seen almost daily in modern China as workers, intellectuals, writers and others push the boundaries of an all-powerful Communist Party resistant to change and fearful of its own political future despite the country’s remarkable economic progress.

Had the Party taken the Zhao road to change it might now be reaping the benefits of a system more in keeping with the demands of a modernizing society. But all we have for now are the words of a dead man dishonored by the government he served.

China reconoce la propiedad con una amplia Ley

Jueves, 15 de Marzo de 2007
Aprobada por amplia mayoría primera ley que reconoce la propiedad
privada en China

Fuente : EFE

La Asamblea Nacional Popular (ANP, Legislativo) aprobó hoy por un amplio margen la ley más discutida de su historia, que reconoce por primera vez la propiedad privada y equipara su protección a la de la pública y la colectiva.

En la última jornada de la sesión anual de la ANP, que se celebra en Pekín desde el pasado 5 de marzo, sus 2.888 integrantes dieron el visto bueno a la Ley sobre la Propiedad por 2.799 votos a favor, 37 abstenciones, y 52 en contra.

Además de la histórica ley, que llevaba 13 años debatiéndose, los diputados aprobaron la nueva ley de impuesto unificado, que sube las tasas que deben pagar las compañías extranjeras y las equipara a las chinas (25 por ciento), y el presupuesto para 2007, que establece un incremento del 17,8 por ciento para el gasto militar.

"Es un avance para proteger que los bienes legales no son invadidos. Asegura que todos los bienes son iguales, sin importar si son estatales, privados o colectivos", apuntó a Efe sobre la ley de propiedad Wu Qing, directora del Centro de Desarrollo para las Mujeres Rurales.

Entre sus 247 artículos especificados en 40 páginas, la ley establece que "todo tipo de propiedad, desde la estatal a la colectiva, individual o de otro tipo, está protegida por la ley y nadie puede atentar contra ella".

Según la versión oficial, pretende, por un lado, proteger al sector privado, que aporta ya cerca de la mitad de la riqueza nacional, y por el otro acabar con las frecuentes y protestadas expropiaciones en el medio rural, convertidas en un peligroso factor de inestabilidad para el país.

En el campo chino, la propiedad de la tierra es colectiva y el Estado la cede a los campesinos en régimen de usufructo durante periodos de hasta setenta años.

Este sistema se sigue manteniendo con la nueva reglamentación pues, a juicio del Gobierno, el medio rural no está todavía preparado para la privatización de la tierra debido a la falta de un sistema extendido de seguridad social.

Aunque la tierra podrá ser requisada "por interés público", dice el nuevo texto, "se pagarán indemnizaciones por la tierra, subsidios para el realojo, compensaciones por los enseres y cosechas".

La cuantía, precisa, será decidida en función del desarrollo económico de cada región, aunque se restringirá "la transformación de tierra para la agricultura en tierra para el desarrollo", a fin de frenar los excesos de las corruptas autoridades locales.

CHINA MACHETE

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